==Premise==
The aim of the present work is to shed some light on a long-standing mistery, the identity of the Sabians. Five years ago, indeed, we published a short study just on the same subject <ref>A. FRATINI - C. PRATO, ''I Sebòmenoi (tòn Theòn): Una Risposta all’ Antico Enigma dei Sabei'', Rome 1977 (in Italian, with an English Summary).</ref>where we presented a theory that nobody else had ever advanced: the substantial equivalence of the Sabians with the loose religious group of the God- Fearers <ref>The literature about the subject is enormous. We record here just some of the relevant studies chronologically predating a basically turning-point such as Aphrodisia; most of the other ones will be quoted in the course of discussion: E. SCHURER, ''Die Juden im bosphoranischen Reiche und die Genossenschaften der ''sebòmenoi theòn hypsiston ''ebendaselbst'', ''Sitzungsberichte der koniglich preussischenAkademie der Wissenschaften'', Phil.-Hist. Klasse, Berlin 1897, pp.199-225; K. LAKE, ''Proselytes and G-d Fearers'', in F. FOAKES JACKSON - K. LAKE eds., ''The Beginnings of Christianity'', I, ''The Acts of Apostles'', Vol. 5, London 1933, pp.74-96; G. BERTRAM, art. ''Theosebès'', ''TWNT ''III, pp.124-8; L. FELDMAN, ''Jewish ‘Sympathizers’ in Classical Literature and Inscriptions'', ''TAPA, ''81 (1950), pp.200-8; L. ROBERT, ''Nouvelles Inscriptions de Sardes'', I, Paris 1964, pp.39-45; K. ROMANIUK, ''Die Gottesfurchtigen im Neun Testament'', ''Aegiptus ''44 (1964), pp.66-91; T. KLAUSER, ''Synagogé tòn Ioudaìon kaì Theosebòn''. Die Aussage einer bosporanischen Freilassungschrift (''CIRB ''71) zum Problem der ‘Gottesfurchtigen’'', ''JAC ''8/9 (1965), pp.171-6; B. LIFSHITZ, ''Du Nouveau sur les Sympathisants'', ''JSJ ''1 (1970), pp.77-84; F. SIEGERT, ''Gottesfurchtige und Symphatisanten'', ''JSJ ''4 (1973), pp.109-64.</ref>(or, even better, God-Worshippers, ''i.e. ''devotees of the Most-High God <ref>For the choice of a technical term such as ''God-Worshippers'' instead of ''God-Fearers'' (because of the evident connection of the latter expression to a Jewish background) see P. R. TREBILCO, ''JewishCommunities in Asia Minor'', Cambridge 1991, p.246 n.1: '' ‘God-worshipper’, a translation of ''theosebès'', … is a more appropriate term than ‘God-fearer’, a translation of ''phoboùmenoi tòn theòn'', which occurs only in Acts''; cf. T. RAJAK, ''Jews and Christians as Groups in a Pagan World'', in J. NEUSNER - E. S. FRIERICHS eds., ''To See Ourselves as Others See Us'', Chico California 1985, p.255. See also SIEGERT’s important study ''Gottesfurchtige und Sympthisanten'' quoted above (n. 2), containing the best survey, at that date (1973), of the literary and epigraphic witnesses about God-Fearers. In the chapt. 13th of the ''Book ofActs'', Luke intentionally replaces the latter expression with the former, which thereafter does not appear any longer in the text. As M. WILCOX (''The ‘God-Fearers’ in Acts: a Reconsideration'', ''JSNT ''13 [1981], p.118) rightly stresses: "''The changeover from ''phoboùmenos tòn theòn ''to ''sebòmenos tòn theòn ''corresponds to a shift in emphasis in Acts from the basically Torah-centered piety of the earlier part to the Gentile mission of the later section … The fact suggests that their use and distribution matches Luke’s intention in his portrayal of events''. When we use ''God-Fearers'', therefore, we employ the expession in a non-rigid sense. For the ''Fear of God'' in the ''Old Testament ''culture see G. NAGEL, ''Crainte et Amour de Dieu dans l’Ancien Testament'', ''RThPhil ''23 (1945), pp.175-86; B. OLIVIER, ''La Crainte de Dieu comme Valeur Religieuse dans l’Ancien Testament'', in ''Les Etudes Religieuses'', Paris 1960, p.66 (''… crainte de Dieu, qui recouvre comme dans tout le mouvement sapientiel l’ensemble de la pieté, de la vie morale, d’une religion de la fidelité interieure'') and ''passim''; H. BALZ, art. ''Phobèo, phobèomai'', ''TWNT ''IX, mostly pp.197-216. </ref>), whose importance and wide <ref>We use the expression exactly in the following technical sense: ''God-Fearers'' = ''People of pagan origin worshipping the Most-High God'', without investigating which kind of relation they had with the Jewish religious milieu. We follow therefore S. MITCHELL, ''The Cult of Theos Hypsistos between Pagans, Jews and Christians'', in P. ATHANASSIADI - M. FREDE, ''Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity'', Oxford 1999, p.119: ''Theosebès ''was a specific, technical term used to describe themselves by the worshippers of Theos Hypsistos. It served to identify them both among themselves and to the outside world. The prefix ''theo''should not be understood in a loose sense as referring to any god, but precisely to the highest, the one and only god, whom they revered''. There are many scholars thinking that the epithet ''Hypsistos'' does not necessarily imply Jewish influence: A.D. NOCK - C. ROBERTS - T.C. SKEAT, ''The Guild of Zeus Hypsistos'', ''HTR ''29 (1936), pp.64-9 (repr. in A.D. NOCK, ''Essays on Religion and the Ancient World'', I, Oxford 1972, pp.414-43); L. ROBERT, ''Reliefs Votifs et Cultes d’Anatolie'', ''Anatolia ''3 (1958), pp.119; T. DREW-BEAR, ''Local Cults in Graeco-Roman Phrygia'', ''GRBS ''17 (1976), pp. 248; S. M. SHERWINWHITE, ''A Note on Three Coan Inscriptions'', ''ZPE ''21 (1976), p. 187; G.H.R. HORSLEY, ''New DocumentsIllustrating Early Christianity'', I, Macquarie University 1976, p. 26; E. N. LANE, ''Corpus MonumentorumReligionis dei Menis'', III, EPRO 19, Leiden 1976, p.94; M. SIMON, ''Jupiter-Yahwé'', ''Numen ''23 (1986), pp.40-66; M. TATSCHEVA-HITOVA, ''Eastern Cults in Moesia Inferior and Thracia (5th Century BC – 4thCentury AD)'', EPRO 95, Leiden 1983, pp.203-4 and 211-15; E. BERNARD, ''Au Dieu très Haut'', in ''Hommages à Jean Cousin. Rencontres avec l’Antiquité Classique'', Institut Felix Gaffiot, I, Paris 1983, pp 111; S. E. JOHNSON, ''The Present State of Sabazios Research'', ''ANRW ''II, 17.3, pp. 1606-7; Yulia USTINOVA, ''The Supreme Gods of the Bosporan Kingdom. Celestial Aphrodite and the Most-High God'', Leiden 1999, pp.183-287. </ref>diffusion geographically and chronologically is now accepted <ref>For the scholars who, in spite of all, do not agree with this opinion see below n. 9. </ref>. Almost twenty-five years ago (1977), the exceptional archaeological discovery in the site of the ancient city of Aphrodisia of a big stele <ref>The discovery was made during the preparations for construction of the Aphrodisias Museum, in connection with the excavation on the site conducted by Prof. Erim, sponsored by New York University and supported by National Geographic Society. First archaeological reports by Prof. K.T. ERIM himself in ''AJA'' 81 (1977), p.306, and ''AS ''27 (1977), p.31.</ref>, probably placed at the entrance of the local synagogue, mentioning the names of fifty-four ''pious God-fearers'' (''òsioi theosebîs'') beside those of sixty-nine Jews (plus three proselytes <ref>J. REYNOLDS - R. TANNENBAUM, ''Jews and God-Fearers at Aphrodisia'', ''PCPhS'', Suppl. Vol. 12 , Cambridge 1987, edited and commented the original Greek text (cf. J. LINDERSKY’s Review, ''Gnomon ''63 (1991), p.561: ''… our inscription is a treasure''): for ''osioi theosebìs ''see p.6, face B, l.35 (two ''theosebès ''are also mentioned at p.5, face A, ll.19-20: Commentary pp.48-67; for proselytes see below, p.24 and ns. 207-8. For a short account of the event by the same Authors, see ''Jews and God-Fearers in the Holy City of Aphrodite'', ''BThR ''12.5 (Sept.-Oct. 1986), pp.54-7. Aphrodisia’s discovery suddenly moved the general pattern about God-Fearers, lighting again the discussion onto the subject to a great extent: WILCOX, op. cit. (above n.3); M. SIMON, art. ''Gottesfurchtiger'', ''RAC ''XI, cols. 1060-70; Th. M. FINN, ''The God-Fearers Reconsidered'', ''C BQ ''47 (1985), pp.75-84; J. G. GAGER, ''Jews, Gentiles, and Synagogues in the Book of Acts'', ''HTR ''79.1-3 (1986), pp.91-99; L. H. KANT, ''Jewish Inscriptions in Greek and Latin'', ''ANRW ''II, 20.2, Berlin 1987, pp. 671-713; E. SCHURER, ''The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ'', A New English Version Revised and Edited by G. VERMES, F. MILLAR, M. GOODMAN, III, 1, Edinburgh 1986, chap. 5; L. H. FELDMAN, ''Proselytes and ‘Sympathizers’ in the Light of the New Inscriptions from Aphrodisia'', ''REJ ''118.3-4 (Jul.-Dec. 1989), pp.265-305; Idem, ''Jews and Gentiles in theAncient World. Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian'', Princeton 1993, pp..342-382 (''The Success of Jews in Winning ‘Symphatizers’ ''; notes pp.569-80); TREBILCO, ''Jewish Communities in AsiaMinor'', pp.145-66; J. M. LIEU, ''The Race of the God-Fearers'', ''JThS ''46 (1995), pp.483-501. Irina LEVINSKAYA’s ''The Book of Acts in Its Diaspora Setting ''(''The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting'', Vol. 5), Grand Rapids 1996, pp.51-126, no doubt contains the most complete and exaustive survey of the evidence, even if the full list and discussion of the literary documents is furnished by Feldman, in his second study above cited. </ref>) in their quality of donors <ref>The key-word in the original Greek text is read ''patella ''by REYNOLDS-TANNENBAUM, ''Jews andGod-Fearers'', p.27, and consequently interpreted in terms of a ''’distributory station for charity food’ – ''i.e. ''‘a community soup kitchen’. Such a place is also called ''samhui ''in the rabbinical sources … The institution was current at the earliest likely date of our inscription [about the half of the III c. C.E.] in Palestine Jewish communities''. Both the word’s reading and the date proposed by the authors have been criticized: the issues of the discussion are uninteresting for our purposes, so that we limit ourselves to quote the dense ''lemma ''918, ''SEG ''41 (1991), pp.302-3, where many useful references are given; add Margaret H. WILLIAMS, ''The Jews and Godfearers Inscription from Aphrodisia – A Case of Patriarchal Interference in Early 3rd Century Caria?'', ''Historia ''41.3 ((1992), pp.297-310; H. BOTERMANN, ''Griechish-judische Epigraphic: zur Datierung der Aphrodisias-Inschriften'', ''ZPE ''98 (1993), pp.184-94 (where 2 proselytes and 3 ''theosebeìs ''are wrongly counted, instead of the reverse); P. van MINNEN, ''Drei Bemerkungen zur Geschichte des Judentums in der griechisch-romischen Welt'', ''ZPE ''100 (1994), pp.253-258; Marianne PALMER-BOLZ, ''The Jewish Donor Inscriptions from Aphrodisias: Are They Both Third-Century, and Who Are the Theosebeis?'', ''HSCPh ''96 (1994), pp.281-299. For the socio-religious class of ''donors'' see the classical ''Donateurs et Fondateurs dans les Synagogues Juives'', B. LIFSHITZ ed., Paris 1997.</ref>, in fact, seemed finaally to have put an end to a fruitless discussion, which had been going on for no less than sixty years, about the existence of this group <ref>A.T. KRAABEL is no doubt the scholar who with most convinction continued to argue strongly that the various expressions usually translated as ''God-Fearers'' (''sebòmenoi/phoboùmenoi ''[''tòn theòn'']'', theosebeìs,metuentes ''etc.) cannot be interpreted as technical terms, in spite of the clear evidence coming out from Aphrodisia; moreover, he put in doubt the historical reliability of Luke’s picture of the facts mentioned in ''Acts''. See his several provoking (cf. the definition ‘enfant terrible’ given to him by LEVINSKAYA, op. cit. [above n.7], p.21) articles: ''The Disappearance of the God-Fearers'', ''Numen ''28 (1981), pp.113-26; ''The Roman Diaspora: Six Questionable Assumptions'', ''JJS ''33 (1982), pp.445-64; ''Synagoga Caeca: Systematic Distorsion in Gentile Interpretation of the Evidence for Judaism in the Early Christian Period'', in NEUSNER-FRERICHS eds., ''To See Ourselves as Others See Us''; ''Greeks, Jews and Lutherans in the Middle Half of Acts'', in G.W.E. NICKELSBURG - G. MacRAE eds., ''Christians among Jews and Gentiles:Essays in Honour of Krister Stendhal on his Sixty-Fifth Birthday ''(= ''HTR ''79 [1986]), pp.147-157; (with S. Mc LENNAN) ''The G-d-Fearers – A Literary and Theological Invention'', ''BThR ''12.5 (Sept-Oct. 1986), pp.46-53. J. MURPHY- O’ CONNOR, ''Lots of God-Fearers? ''Theosebeis ''in the Aphrodisia Inscription'', ''RB'' 99.2 (1992), pp.418-24, shares the same opinions of Kraabel, as well as R.S. KRAEMER, ''On the Meaning of the Term ‘Jew’ in Graeco-Roman Inscriptions'', ''HTR ''82.1 (1989), pp.35-53, in spite that the ''inscription from ancient Aphrodisia has been read by a number of scholars as the definitive evidence against Kraabel’s interpretation'' (''ibid. ''p.36 n.4). </ref>. Unfortunately, the edition in Italian of our essay and the small number of libraries and scholars we could contact at that time limited its impact, in spite of the favourable impression it made upon the scholars who had the possibility to read the study.The aim of the present work is to shed some light on a long-standing mistery, the identity of the [[Sabians]]. Five years ago, indeed, we published a short study just on the same subject <ref>A. FRATINI - C. PRATO, ''I Sebòmenoi (tòn Theòn): Una Risposta all’ Antico Enigma dei Sabei'', Rome 1977 (in Italian, with an English Summary).</ref>where we presented a theory that nobody else had ever advanced: the substantial equivalence of the Sabians with the loose religious group of the God- Fearers <ref>The literature about the subject is enormous. We record here just some of the relevant studies chronologically predating a basically turning-point such as Aphrodisia; most of the other ones will be quoted in the course of discussion: E. SCHURER, ''Die Juden im bosphoranischen Reiche und die Genossenschaften der ''sebòmenoi theòn hypsiston ''ebendaselbst'', ''Sitzungsberichte der koniglich preussischenAkademie der Wissenschaften'', Phil.-Hist. Klasse, Berlin 1897, pp.199-225; K. LAKE, ''Proselytes and G-d Fearers'', in F. FOAKES JACKSON - K. LAKE eds., ''The Beginnings of Christianity'', I, ''The Acts of Apostles'', Vol. 5, London 1933, pp.74-96; G. BERTRAM, art. ''Theosebès'', ''TWNT ''III, pp.124-8; L. FELDMAN, ''Jewish ‘Sympathizers’ in Classical Literature and Inscriptions'', ''TAPA, ''81 (1950), pp.200-8; L. ROBERT, ''Nouvelles Inscriptions de Sardes'', I, Paris 1964, pp.39-45; K. ROMANIUK, ''Die Gottesfurchtigen im Neun Testament'', ''Aegiptus ''44 (1964), pp.66-91; T. KLAUSER, ''Synagogé tòn Ioudaìon kaì Theosebòn''. Die Aussage einer bosporanischen Freilassungschrift (''CIRB ''71) zum Problem der ‘Gottesfurchtigen’'', ''JAC ''8/9 (1965), pp.171-6; B. LIFSHITZ, ''Du Nouveau sur les Sympathisants'', ''JSJ ''1 (1970), pp.77-84; F. SIEGERT, ''Gottesfurchtige und Symphatisanten'', ''JSJ ''4 (1973), pp.109-64.</ref>(or, even better, God-Worshippers, ''i.e. ''devotees of the Most-High God <ref>For the choice of a technical term such as ''God-Worshippers'' instead of ''God-Fearers'' (because of the evident connection of the latter expression to a Jewish background) see P. R. TREBILCO, ''JewishCommunities in Asia Minor'', Cambridge 1991, p.246 n.1: '' ‘God-worshipper’, a translation of ''theosebès'', … is a more appropriate term than ‘God-fearer’, a translation of ''phoboùmenoi tòn theòn'', which occurs only in Acts''; cf. T. RAJAK, ''Jews and Christians as Groups in a Pagan World'', in J. NEUSNER - E. S. FRIERICHS eds., ''To See Ourselves as Others See Us'', Chico California 1985, p.255. See also SIEGERT’s important study ''Gottesfurchtige und Sympthisanten'' quoted above (n. 2), containing the best survey, at that date (1973), of the literary and epigraphic witnesses about God-Fearers. In the chapt. 13th of the ''Book ofActs'', Luke intentionally replaces the latter expression with the former, which thereafter does not appear any longer in the text. As M. WILCOX (''The ‘God-Fearers’ in Acts: a Reconsideration'', ''JSNT ''13 [1981], p.118) rightly stresses: "''The changeover from ''phoboùmenos tòn theòn ''to ''sebòmenos tòn theòn ''corresponds to a shift in emphasis in Acts from the basically Torah-centered piety of the earlier part to the Gentile mission of the later section … The fact suggests that their use and distribution matches Luke’s intention in his portrayal of events''. When we use ''God-Fearers'', therefore, we employ the expession in a non-rigid sense. For the ''Fear of God'' in the ''Old Testament ''culture see G. NAGEL, ''Crainte et Amour de Dieu dans l’Ancien Testament'', ''RThPhil ''23 (1945), pp.175-86; B. OLIVIER, ''La Crainte de Dieu comme Valeur Religieuse dans l’Ancien Testament'', in ''Les Etudes Religieuses'', Paris 1960, p.66 (''… crainte de Dieu, qui recouvre comme dans tout le mouvement sapientiel l’ensemble de la pieté, de la vie morale, d’une religion de la fidelité interieure'') and ''passim''; H. BALZ, art. ''Phobèo, phobèomai'', ''TWNT ''IX, mostly pp.197-216. </ref>), whose importance and wide <ref>We use the expression exactly in the following technical sense: ''God-Fearers'' = ''People of pagan origin worshipping the Most-High God'', without investigating which kind of relation they had with the Jewish religious milieu. We follow therefore S. MITCHELL, ''The Cult of Theos Hypsistos between Pagans, Jews and Christians'', in P. ATHANASSIADI - M. FREDE, ''Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity'', Oxford 1999, p.119: ''Theosebès ''was a specific, technical term used to describe themselves by the worshippers of Theos Hypsistos. It served to identify them both among themselves and to the outside world. The prefix ''theo''should not be understood in a loose sense as referring to any god, but precisely to the highest, the one and only god, whom they revered''. There are many scholars thinking that the epithet ''Hypsistos'' does not necessarily imply Jewish influence: A.D. NOCK - C. ROBERTS - T.C. SKEAT, ''The Guild of Zeus Hypsistos'', ''HTR ''29 (1936), pp.64-9 (repr. in A.D. NOCK, ''Essays on Religion and the Ancient World'', I, Oxford 1972, pp.414-43); L. ROBERT, ''Reliefs Votifs et Cultes d’Anatolie'', ''Anatolia ''3 (1958), pp.119; T. DREW-BEAR, ''Local Cults in Graeco-Roman Phrygia'', ''GRBS ''17 (1976), pp. 248; S. M. SHERWINWHITE, ''A Note on Three Coan Inscriptions'', ''ZPE ''21 (1976), p. 187; G.H.R. HORSLEY, ''New DocumentsIllustrating Early Christianity'', I, Macquarie University 1976, p. 26; E. N. LANE, ''Corpus MonumentorumReligionis dei Menis'', III, EPRO 19, Leiden 1976, p.94; M. SIMON, ''Jupiter-Yahwé'', ''Numen ''23 (1986), pp.40-66; M. TATSCHEVA-HITOVA, ''Eastern Cults in Moesia Inferior and Thracia (5th Century BC – 4thCentury AD)'', EPRO 95, Leiden 1983, pp.203-4 and 211-15; E. BERNARD, ''Au Dieu très Haut'', in ''Hommages à Jean Cousin. Rencontres avec l’Antiquité Classique'', Institut Felix Gaffiot, I, Paris 1983, pp 111; S. E. JOHNSON, ''The Present State of Sabazios Research'', ''ANRW ''II, 17.3, pp. 1606-7; Yulia USTINOVA, ''The Supreme Gods of the Bosporan Kingdom. Celestial Aphrodite and the Most-High God'', Leiden 1999, pp.183-287. </ref>diffusion geographically and chronologically is now accepted <ref>For the scholars who, in spite of all, do not agree with this opinion see below n. 9. </ref>. Almost twenty-five years ago (1977), the exceptional archaeological discovery in the site of the ancient city of Aphrodisia of a big stele <ref>The discovery was made during the preparations for construction of the Aphrodisias Museum, in connection with the excavation on the site conducted by Prof. Erim, sponsored by New York University and supported by National Geographic Society. First archaeological reports by Prof. K.T. ERIM himself in ''AJA'' 81 (1977), p.306, and ''AS ''27 (1977), p.31.</ref>, probably placed at the entrance of the local synagogue, mentioning the names of fifty-four ''pious God-fearers'' (''òsioi theosebîs'') beside those of sixty-nine Jews (plus three proselytes <ref>J. REYNOLDS - R. TANNENBAUM, ''Jews and God-Fearers at Aphrodisia'', ''PCPhS'', Suppl. Vol. 12 , Cambridge 1987, edited and commented the original Greek text (cf. J. LINDERSKY’s Review, ''Gnomon ''63 (1991), p.561: ''… our inscription is a treasure''): for ''osioi theosebìs ''see p.6, face B, l.35 (two ''theosebès ''are also mentioned at p.5, face A, ll.19-20: Commentary pp.48-67; for proselytes see below, p.24 and ns. 207-8. For a short account of the event by the same Authors, see ''Jews and God-Fearers in the Holy City of Aphrodite'', ''BThR ''12.5 (Sept.-Oct. 1986), pp.54-7. Aphrodisia’s discovery suddenly moved the general pattern about God-Fearers, lighting again the discussion onto the subject to a great extent: WILCOX, op. cit. (above n.3); M. SIMON, art. ''Gottesfurchtiger'', ''RAC ''XI, cols. 1060-70; Th. M. FINN, ''The God-Fearers Reconsidered'', ''C BQ ''47 (1985), pp.75-84; J. G. GAGER, ''Jews, Gentiles, and Synagogues in the Book of Acts'', ''HTR ''79.1-3 (1986), pp.91-99; L. H. KANT, ''Jewish Inscriptions in Greek and Latin'', ''ANRW ''II, 20.2, Berlin 1987, pp. 671-713; E. SCHURER, ''The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ'', A New English Version Revised and Edited by G. VERMES, F. MILLAR, M. GOODMAN, III, 1, Edinburgh 1986, chap. 5; L. H. FELDMAN, ''Proselytes and ‘Sympathizers’ in the Light of the New Inscriptions from Aphrodisia'', ''REJ ''118.3-4 (Jul.-Dec. 1989), pp.265-305; Idem, ''Jews and Gentiles in theAncient World. Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian'', Princeton 1993, pp..342-382 (''The Success of Jews in Winning ‘Symphatizers’ ''; notes pp.569-80); TREBILCO, ''Jewish Communities in AsiaMinor'', pp.145-66; J. M. LIEU, ''The Race of the God-Fearers'', ''JThS ''46 (1995), pp.483-501. Irina LEVINSKAYA’s ''The Book of Acts in Its Diaspora Setting ''(''The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting'', Vol. 5), Grand Rapids 1996, pp.51-126, no doubt contains the most complete and exaustive survey of the evidence, even if the full list and discussion of the literary documents is furnished by Feldman, in his second study above cited. </ref>) in their quality of donors <ref>The key-word in the original Greek text is read ''patella ''by REYNOLDS-TANNENBAUM, ''Jews andGod-Fearers'', p.27, and consequently interpreted in terms of a ''’distributory station for charity food’ – ''i.e. ''‘a community soup kitchen’. Such a place is also called ''samhui ''in the rabbinical sources … The institution was current at the earliest likely date of our inscription [about the half of the III c. C.E.] in Palestine Jewish communities''. Both the word’s reading and the date proposed by the authors have been criticized: the issues of the discussion are uninteresting for our purposes, so that we limit ourselves to quote the dense ''lemma ''918, ''SEG ''41 (1991), pp.302-3, where many useful references are given; add Margaret H. WILLIAMS, ''The Jews and Godfearers Inscription from Aphrodisia – A Case of Patriarchal Interference in Early 3rd Century Caria?'', ''Historia ''41.3 ((1992), pp.297-310; H. BOTERMANN, ''Griechish-judische Epigraphic: zur Datierung der Aphrodisias-Inschriften'', ''ZPE ''98 (1993), pp.184-94 (where 2 proselytes and 3 ''theosebeìs ''are wrongly counted, instead of the reverse); P. van MINNEN, ''Drei Bemerkungen zur Geschichte des Judentums in der griechisch-romischen Welt'', ''ZPE ''100 (1994), pp.253-258; Marianne PALMER-BOLZ, ''The Jewish Donor Inscriptions from Aphrodisias: Are They Both Third-Century, and Who Are the Theosebeis?'', ''HSCPh ''96 (1994), pp.281-299. For the socio-religious class of ''donors'' see the classical ''Donateurs et Fondateurs dans les Synagogues Juives'', B. LIFSHITZ ed., Paris 1997.</ref>, in fact, seemed finaally to have put an end to a fruitless discussion, which had been going on for no less than sixty years, about the existence of this group <ref>A.T. KRAABEL is no doubt the scholar who with most convinction continued to argue strongly that the various expressions usually translated as ''God-Fearers'' (''sebòmenoi/phoboùmenoi ''[''tòn theòn'']'', theosebeìs,metuentes ''etc.) cannot be interpreted as technical terms, in spite of the clear evidence coming out from Aphrodisia; moreover, he put in doubt the historical reliability of Luke’s picture of the facts mentioned in ''Acts''. See his several provoking (cf. the definition ‘enfant terrible’ given to him by LEVINSKAYA, op. cit. [above n.7], p.21) articles: ''The Disappearance of the God-Fearers'', ''Numen ''28 (1981), pp.113-26; ''The Roman Diaspora: Six Questionable Assumptions'', ''JJS ''33 (1982), pp.445-64; ''Synagoga Caeca: Systematic Distorsion in Gentile Interpretation of the Evidence for Judaism in the Early Christian Period'', in NEUSNER-FRERICHS eds., ''To See Ourselves as Others See Us''; ''Greeks, Jews and Lutherans in the Middle Half of Acts'', in G.W.E. NICKELSBURG - G. MacRAE eds., ''Christians among Jews and Gentiles:Essays in Honour of Krister Stendhal on his Sixty-Fifth Birthday ''(= ''HTR ''79 [1986]), pp.147-157; (with S. Mc LENNAN) ''The G-d-Fearers – A Literary and Theological Invention'', ''BThR ''12.5 (Sept-Oct. 1986), pp.46-53. J. MURPHY- O’ CONNOR, ''Lots of God-Fearers? ''Theosebeis ''in the Aphrodisia Inscription'', ''RB'' 99.2 (1992), pp.418-24, shares the same opinions of Kraabel, as well as R.S. KRAEMER, ''On the Meaning of the Term ‘Jew’ in Graeco-Roman Inscriptions'', ''HTR ''82.1 (1989), pp.35-53, in spite that the ''inscription from ancient Aphrodisia has been read by a number of scholars as the definitive evidence against Kraabel’s interpretation'' (''ibid. ''p.36 n.4). </ref>. Unfortunately, the edition in Italian of our essay and the small number of libraries and scholars we could contact at that time limited its impact, in spite of the favourable impression it made upon the scholars who had the possibility to read the study.
This is one of the main reasons why we have decided to take up the subject again; the second, and more important one, is that we have gathered new and relevant pieces of information in support of our theory during recent last years, a circumstance that allows us not only to add further details to the picture already drawn in our previous study, but also to underline the extent to which the facts collected relate to one another with more accuracy and to point out better the weight of each one of them. Finally, we have paid more attention to the methodological aspects of the research, since we believe that the main cause of the unsuccessful results of the different authors who have been concerned with the Sabian ''enigma'' depends on methodological errors; in other words, we will show that there was a systematic fault in the scientific means of approaching the matter, especially concerning the etymological solutions to the problem of the meaning of the term ''Sabian'', as well as how the historical value of textual evidence has been taken into account.
Al-Bìrùnì’s first-quoted text also turns the reader’s thought to the Jewish context, even if the Persian writer seems to believe that the Jewish presence along the Euphrates and Tigris valley is connected to a religious reality that will come along after several centuries, namely the migration from Palestine into Southern Mesopotamia of some Hemerobaptist sects as Elkesaits and Mandaeans <ref>The migration of these sects from Palestine has been often put in doubt: see for example E. PETERSON, “Urchristentum und Mandaismus (Nachtrag)”, ''ZNW ''27 (1928), pp.91-98. We wish to recall here that CHWOLSON’s identification (cf. ''Die Ssabier''’s Index, s.vs.) of the religious group called by al- NADIM, ''Fihrist'', ET p.811, the ''[[Mughtasila]]''(“Those who wash themselves”), or ''[[Sàbat al-batà’ih]]'', with the [[Elkesaites]] and the Mandaeans is valid only for the former group, as the discovery of the so-called ''Mani-Codex ''has demonstrated once for all: ''Der Kolner Mani-Kodex … ''kritische Edition … herausgegeben und ubersetz von Ludwig LOENEN und Cornelia ROMER, ''Papyrologica coloniensia ''14, Opladen 1988. </ref>. But if one interprets the information by means of al-Bìrùnì’s second excerpt, one sees rather the real influence that Zoroastrianism had on Hebraic religion, because it was precisely during the ''Babylonian captivity'' that some typical features of Hebraism such as the juxtaposition Good-Evil and God-Satan or concepts such as the Last Judgement and the Resurrection of the Dead came into being <ref>On the Jews in Babylonia, also during the Persian period, see the up-to-date bibliography in SCHURER-VERMES-MILLAR-GOODMAN, ''The History of the Jewish People'', III, § 31 ns.11 ff. </ref>. To sum up, we have supposed that al-Bìrùnì’s first text was only to be connected with such a historical phenomenon; on the other hand, it had relations with the historical rising of Jewish Proselytism, and reminded for example a well-known textual passage by Josephus mentioning the transfer of the Jews from Babylon to Asia Minor by Antiochus III at the end of the III century B.C.E. <ref>Antiochus settled two thousand Jewish families in Lydia and Phrygia: granting them the right to follow their own laws and other privileges. JOSEPHUS, ''Ant. Jud''., 12, 149-50, quotes the relevant passages of the letter of the king to his governor Zeuxix: for the authenticity of this document, see the discussion in SCHURER-VERMES-MILLAR-GOODMAN, ''The History of the Jewish People'', III, 1, p.17 n.33; TREBILCO, ''Jewish Communities'', p. 5 ff. </ref>: it was from this original bulk that many well-organized Jewish communities spread throughout Asia Minor and elsewhere, exerting a strong spiritual attraction on the surrounding Gentile milieu, as archaeological findings have proved with certainty. In Afrodisia <ref>We limit ourselves to quote again TREBILBO’s book, where large space is reserved to the most important Jewish communities in Asia Minor (Sardi, Priene, Acmonia, Apamea), with exaustive bibliography. </ref>, in particular, Gentiles’ involvement in the local synagogue appears to have been really massive, since more than half of the people attending the cult-place were Gentiles whose status range across the entire social spectrum, from the highest civic positions and liberal professions to craftsmen and simple workers <ref>See REYNOLD-TANNEMBAUM, ''Jews and God-Fearers'', pp.116-23, for a detailed analysis of “the trade designations” in Aphrodisia’s inscription. </ref>: it is worth noting, once again, that such people were not fullconverts, but plain ''theosebeìs'', God-Fearers, whereas only three individuals are recorded in the engraved inscription mentioning the donors’ names of the beneficent institution which they contribute to as ''proselytoi ''<ref>REYNOLDS-TANNEMBAUM, op. cit.: for the mention of ''prosèlytos ''see p.5, face A, ll.13, 17, 22 (“The important fact that 3 persons are explicitly called proselytes … in a period in which Jewish proselytism was forbidden by imperial decree, is a strong testimony of the powerful influence of the Jewish community of Aphrodisia”: P. W. Van der HORST, ''Essays on the Jewish World of Early Christianity'', p.171 [from the study “Jews and Christians in Aphrodisia in the Light of Their Relations in Other Cities of Asia Minor” contained in the same volume, pp.166-81, and firstly published in ''NedTTs ''43 (1989) pp.106-21]): Commentary pp.43-48, where also the problem of the imperial legislation is treated. </ref>, namely people legally converted to Judaism <ref>Cf. the previous note, and above p.12 and ns. 90-92. </ref>. Probably the Roman laws prohibiting circumcision and conversion to Judaism since Hadrian’s times played a significant role in such a meagre number of persons claiming explicitly that ''passing of the boundary'' which Juvenal so greatly feared and bitterly mocked: here, in fact, most of the no-Jews prefer to remain in the more neutral religious position of Juvenal’s ''pater metuens sabbata'', worshipping ''nubes et caeli numen ''and abstaining from ''carne suillam ''rather than that of the son who decides to make the last step and thus ''mox et praeputia ponit ''without any reserve <ref>Cf. above p.14 and n.113. </ref>.
Beyond such vague elements, we know very little about the God-Fearers’ cultic practices. From Oenoanda’s text one learns that sometimes their cult had solar features, because of the Oracle’s prescription to the faithful to pray in direction of the rising sun, namely facing east, gazing up at heaven and offering prayers to the allseeing Aether <ref>See the last two lines of the Oracle (refs. above n.201). The adjective ''epòptes'', “all-seeing”, is usually attributed to Helios (cf. S. MITCHELL, ''Anatolia: Land, Men and Gods in Asia Minor'', II, Oxford 1993, p.47), even if it is also applied to ''Theòs Hypsistos ''in a dedicatory formula from an Alexandria’s inscription virtually conflating the Highest god and the Sun god, or in another one from a Pergamum altar completely associating both divinities (dedication to ''Helios Theos Hypsistos''): texts in MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, nos. 284 and 186. </ref>. A tendency to solar Monotheism comes also out from J. Ustinova’s speculations about the Iranian background of the religious position of the ''thiasoi'', the cultic associations – called ''eispoietoì adelphoì sebòmenoi theòn hypsiston'', but also ''synodos ''of ''thiaseitai ''or ''thiasòtai ''– worshipping ''Theòs Hypsistos ''in Tanais and in several other Greek colonies on the Northern shore of the Black Sea in the first half of the II c. C.E. <ref>Being collected within ''Corpus Inscriptionum Regni Bosporani ''(''CIRB''), eds. V.V. STRUVE ''et alii'', Moskow-Leningrad 1965, and firstly published by V.V. LATYSHEV in Russian, these inscriptions – as it is well-known – represent the key-stone of the old and influential study of E. SCHURER, “Die Juden im Bosporanische Reiche und die Genossenschaften der ''sebòmenoi theòn hypsiston ''ebendaselbest”, ''Sitzungberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften'', I, 1897, pp.220-5, but above all of the already quoted “Les Mystères de Sabazius et le Judaisme” of CUMONT, who pointed out to the syncretistic features of these religious communities and whose conclusions had been accepted and discussed by many scholars after him: E.R. GOODENOUGH, “The Bosporus Inscriptions to the Most High God”, ''JQR ''47 (1956-7), pp.1-44; B. LIFSHITZ, “Le Culte du Dieu Très Haut à Gorgippia”, ''RFIC ''92 (1964), pp.157-61; M. TATCHEVA HITOVA “On the Cult of Theòs Hypsistos on the Bosporus” (in Russian), ''VDI ''1 (1978), pp.133-42 (cf. ''SEG ''28 [1978], p.1648); MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, pp.133-5 (nos.83- 104), are only few examples. A good edition and translation of the texts can be found in LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting ''(Appendix 3), pp.226-46. </ref>, though we reject her general conclusions <ref>J. USTINOVA, “The Thiasoi of Theos Hypsistos in Tanais”, ''HR'', 31 (1991), pp.150-80 (cf. ''SEG ''42 [1992], p.726); Eadem, ''The Supreme Gods of the Bosporan Kingdom'', p.183 ff. (“Cult Associations on the Bosporus”). For a widespread tendency to solar Monotheism in Late Antiquity, the classical study of F. CUMONT, ''La Theologie Solaire du Paganisme Romain'', Paris 1909, is still to be considered a reference mark. For the solar character of the Harrànian popular religion, see TUBACH, ''Im Schatten des Sonnengottes'', ''passim''. </ref>. We should not dwell here on the connection established by E. Schurer more than one century ago between these groups of Monotheistic or quasi-Monotheistic believers and the ''metuentes'' attested by epigraphic and literal evidence in the Latin West <ref>''CIJ'', I, 2, nos. 5, 285, 524, 529, 642; (M. STERN, ''GLAJJ ''II, p.105, thought that ''metuens ''could be only an abridgment of the fuller formula ''deum metuens ''and hence was definitely used technically: “It is hard to conceive that either ''metuens ''or ''sebòmenos ''is used in the general sense of ‘religious’ ”). The participles ''metuens ''and ''timens ''can also be found in Christian inscriptions (E. DIEHL, ''ILCV'', Berlin 1961, nos. 3359a, 3416a, 4779, 6 [''metuens''], 1339-41, 1172 [''timens'']): in both cases, however, the formula would actually refer to God.fearers. For a Latin transcription of the Greek ''theosebès ''into Latin letters, cf. J.B. FREY, ''CIJ'', I, 2, Città del Vaticano 1936, no.228 (= D. NOY, ''JIWE'', II, no.207, Rome: Eparchia ''theosebes''; but cf. FELDMAN, “Jewish ‘Sympathizers’ in Classical Literature and Inscriptions”, p.204 n.24: “Frey, who is very eager to find ‘sympathizers’ in his inscriptions, is wrong in not recognizing a possible one here”), and ''CIJ ''I, 2, LIFSHITZ, ''Prolegomenon ''no.619a (= ''JIWE'', I, no.113, Venosa: Marcus ''teuseves''; cf. B. LIFSHITZ, “Les Juifs à Venosa”, ''RFIC'', 90 [N.S. 40] [1962], pp.367-71). For a discussion, besides ROMANIUK, “Die ‘Gottesfurchtigen’ im Neuen Testament”, ''passim'', and LAKE, “Proselytes and God-Fearers”, ''BC'', ''passim'', see LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting'', pp.68-70. The references to ''metuen(te)s ''are collected by SCHURER-VERMES-MILLAR-GOODMAN, ''The History of the Jewish People'', III, 1, p.168 n.74. For literary evidence, see below n.217. The term ''Theosebés ''is an equivalent of ''Sebòmenos ''(''tòn theòn''): normally in inscriptions the former is preferred because of its shorter form. </ref>, but above all with the ''sebòmenoi ''(''tòn theòn''), the ''phoboùmenoi ''(''tòn theòn''), the ''Hellenes ''whom Saint Paul regularly meets in the course of his indefatigable mission <ref>God-Fearers in ''Acts. ''Chap. x: description of a model God-Fearer, ''i.e. ''the centurion Cornelius denoted as ''eusebès kaì phoboùmenos tòn theòn ''expressing his piety by means of almsgiving and costant praying (x, 2) and enjoing a good reputation among Jews (x, 22). It is worth noting with PINES, “The Iranian Name for Christians and God-Fearers”, p.147, as “according to the Acts of the Apostles, the first Gentile converted to Christianity was one of the God-fearers”. Cornelius’ episode is the turning point of the book: from here, ''Acts'' is the history of this mission. xiii, 16 (''phoboùmenoi tòn theòn''); 43 (''sebòmenoi prosèlytoi''): the passage has been long discussed, because of its apparent self-contradiction, the words used here by Luke denoting two different classes of believers. Generally two solutions to the problem have been proposed: the first one is that ''prosèlytoi ''is a wrong word, namely an ancient gloss or “a careless expression” (KUHN-STEGEMANN, ''RE'', Suppl. IX, col.1253; KUHN, ''TWNT'', VI [1968], p.743; E. HAENCHEN, ''Die Apostelgeschichte'', in ''KritischeexegetischeKommentar uber das Neue Testament'', III, Gottingen 1959, p.355 n.5 [ET, Oxford 1971, p.413 n.5]; ROMANIUK, loc. cit., p.81; LIFSHITZ, “Du Nouveau sur les Sympathisants”, p.80; H. CONZELMANN, ''Acts of the Apostles'', Philadelphia 1987, p.106); the second coincides with the position of the scholars who reject any technical sense of the word ''sebòmenoi ''(FOAKES-JACKSON, ''BC'', V, p.88; WILCOX, “The ‘God-Fearers’ in Acts: A Reconsideration”, p.181 f.). But particularly worth of interest is a third possibility, namely the suggestion of LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting'', p.47, who argues “that ''prosèlytos ''is used here in the same manner as in Mattew in a basic ‘verbal’ sense of ‘coming to any-thing new’”: she had in fact checked a semantic value of the term/verb ''prosèlytos''/''prosèrkhetai ''present in some Christian texts such as the ''Homiliae ''of ASTERIUS OF AMASEA, the ''Praescriptio ''of MARIA OF CASSOBELA, and a passage of CLEMENS OF ALEXANDRIA, where “alongside the traditional meaning there began to develop another one, namely ‘a convert to Christianity’ ”, hence the more general “idea of approaching anything new”, by which interpretation obviously all contradictions cease to exist); 50; xvi, 14; xvii, 4, 17; xvii, 17; xviii, 6-7 (''sebòmenoi ''[''tòn theòn''] and ''sebòmenoi Hèllenes'': the abridged formula ''oisebòmenoi ''could also be explained by the commandment of not naming in vain God: cf. J. KLAUSNER, ''Von Jesus zu Paulus'', Jerusalem-Amsterdam 1950, p.55; LIFSHITZ, ''ibidem''). We should add to these items three passages mentioning “Greeks” (xiv, 1, xviii, 4 and xix, 10: ''Ioudaìous kaì Hellenas''), whose identity is certainly not different from the ''sebomènon Hellènon ''previously mentioned in xvii, 4 (cf. REYNOLDSTANNEMBAUM, ''Jews and God-Fearers'', p.51). For other direct or indirect Greek literary references to God-Fearers (Epictetus, Filo, Josephus), see BERTRAM, art. “Theosebès”, ''TWNT ''III, p.123 ff.; COHEN, “Respect for Judaism by Gentiles According to Josephus”, pp.416-9 (who counts as many as five instances in ''AJ'': 3, 217; 3, 318-9; 20, 34; 20, 41; 20, 195; and four in ''BJ'': 2, 454; 2, 463; 2, 560; 7, 45); MARCUS, “The ''Sebòmenoi ''in Josephus”, pp.247-50. Talmudic references to ''yere’i ash-shamayyim ''(“Heaven Fearers”, where “Heaven” is the traditional metonymy for God) are collected and discussed by I. LEVY, “Le Proselytisme Juif”, ''REJ ''50 (1905), pp.1-9; 51 (1906), pp.29-31; and by SIEGERT, “Gottesfurchtiger”, pp.110-27; add REYNOLDS-TANNEMBAUM, op. cit., p.48 f. and notes; FELDMAN, “Jewish Sympathizers”, p.207 f.; and the lemma ''jàre’'', ''TWAT'', s.v</ref>in the synagogues of Asia Minor and Greece where he preaches the evangelical message (but in other meetingplaces also, mostly after Paul’s last theological break with the Jews <ref>EPIPHANIUS, ''Panarion'', 80, 1-2, compares Messalians’ places of prayer with extra-mural Jewish sanctuaries, like the cultic place outside the city walls where Paul met the God-fearing Lydia, or another one built by the Samaritans in the shape of an open-air theatre, adding that they also used buildings similar to churches: cf. below p.26.</ref>: ''Thus I shall go to Gentiles'') <ref>''Acts'', xviii, 6.</ref>, and who consequently appear to be the original bulk of the emerging Christianity according to Luke’s ''Acts''.Beyond such vague elements, we know very little about the God-Fearers’ cultic practices. From Oenoanda’s text one learns that sometimes their cult had solar features, because of the Oracle’s prescription to the faithful to pray in direction of the rising sun, namely facing east, gazing up at heaven and offering prayers to the allseeing Aether <ref>See the last two lines of the Oracle (refs. above n.201). The adjective ''epòptes'', “all-seeing”, is usually attributed to Helios (cf. S. MITCHELL, ''Anatolia: Land, Men and Gods in Asia Minor'', II, Oxford 1993, p.47), even if it is also applied to ''Theòs Hypsistos ''in a dedicatory formula from an Alexandria’s inscription virtually conflating the Highest god and the Sun god, or in another one from a Pergamum altar completely associating both divinities (dedication to ''Helios Theos Hypsistos''): texts in MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, nos. 284 and 186. </ref>. A tendency to solar Monotheism comes also out from J. Ustinova’s speculations about the Iranian background of the religious position of the ''thiasoi'', the cultic associations – called ''eispoietoì adelphoì sebòmenoi theòn hypsiston'', but also ''synodos ''of ''thiaseitai ''or ''thiasòtai ''– worshipping ''Theòs Hypsistos ''in Tanais and in several other Greek colonies on the Northern shore of the Black Sea in the first half of the II c. C.E. <ref>Being collected within ''Corpus Inscriptionum Regni Bosporani ''(''CIRB''), eds. V.V. STRUVE ''et alii'', Moskow-Leningrad 1965, and firstly published by V.V. LATYSHEV in Russian, these inscriptions – as it is well-known – represent the key-stone of the old and influential study of E. SCHURER, “Die Juden im Bosporanische Reiche und die Genossenschaften der ''sebòmenoi theòn hypsiston ''ebendaselbest”, ''Sitzungberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften'', I, 1897, pp.220-5, but above all of the already quoted “Les Mystères de Sabazius et le Judaisme” of CUMONT, who pointed out to the syncretistic features of these religious communities and whose conclusions had been accepted and discussed by many scholars after him: E.R. GOODENOUGH, “The Bosporus Inscriptions to the Most High God”, ''JQR ''47 (1956-7), pp.1-44; B. LIFSHITZ, “Le Culte du Dieu Très Haut à Gorgippia”, ''RFIC ''92 (1964), pp.157-61; M. TATCHEVA HITOVA “On the Cult of Theòs Hypsistos on the Bosporus” (in Russian), ''VDI ''1 (1978), pp.133-42 (cf. ''SEG ''28 [1978], p.1648); MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, pp.133-5 (nos.83- 104), are only few examples. A good edition and translation of the texts can be found in LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting ''(Appendix 3), pp.226-46. </ref>, though we reject her general conclusions <ref>J. USTINOVA, “The Thiasoi of Theos Hypsistos in Tanais”, ''HR'', 31 (1991), pp.150-80 (cf. ''SEG ''42 [1992], p.726); Eadem, ''The Supreme Gods of the Bosporan Kingdom'', p.183 ff. (“Cult Associations on the Bosporus”). For a widespread tendency to solar Monotheism in Late Antiquity, the classical study of F. CUMONT, ''La Theologie Solaire du Paganisme Romain'', Paris 1909, is still to be considered a reference mark. For the solar character of the Harrànian popular religion, see TUBACH, ''Im Schatten des Sonnengottes'', ''passim''. </ref>. We should not dwell here on the connection established by E. Schurer more than one century ago between these groups of Monotheistic or quasi-Monotheistic believers and the ''metuentes'' attested by epigraphic and literal evidence in the Latin West <ref>''CIJ'', I, 2, nos. 5, 285, 524, 529, 642; (M. STERN, ''GLAJJ ''II, p.105, thought that ''metuens ''could be only an abridgment of the fuller formula ''deum metuens ''and hence was definitely used technically: “It is hard to conceive that either ''metuens ''or ''sebòmenos ''is used in the general sense of ‘religious’ ”). The participles ''metuens ''and ''timens ''can also be found in Christian inscriptions (E. DIEHL, ''ILCV'', Berlin 1961, nos. 3359a, 3416a, 4779, 6 [''metuens''], 1339-41, 1172 [''timens'']): in both cases, however, the formula would actually refer to God.fearers. For a Latin transcription of the Greek ''theosebès ''into Latin letters, cf. J.B. FREY, ''CIJ'', I, 2, Città del Vaticano 1936, no.228 (= D. NOY, ''JIWE'', II, no.207, Rome: Eparchia ''theosebes''; but cf. FELDMAN, “Jewish ‘Sympathizers’ in Classical Literature and Inscriptions”, p.204 n.24: “Frey, who is very eager to find ‘sympathizers’ in his inscriptions, is wrong in not recognizing a possible one here”), and ''CIJ ''I, 2, LIFSHITZ, ''Prolegomenon ''no.619a (= ''JIWE'', I, no.113, Venosa: Marcus ''teuseves''; cf. B. LIFSHITZ, “Les Juifs à Venosa”, ''RFIC'', 90 [N.S. 40] [1962], pp.367-71). For a discussion, besides ROMANIUK, “Die ‘Gottesfurchtigen’ im Neuen Testament”, ''passim'', and LAKE, “Proselytes and God-Fearers”, ''BC'', ''passim'', see LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting'', pp.68-70. The references to ''metuen(te)s ''are collected by SCHURER-VERMES-MILLAR-GOODMAN, ''The History of the Jewish People'', III, 1, p.168 n.74. For literary evidence, see below n.217. The term ''Theosebés ''is an equivalent of ''Sebòmenos ''(''tòn theòn''): normally in inscriptions the former is preferred because of its shorter form. </ref>, but above all with the ''sebòmenoi ''(''tòn theòn''), the ''phoboùmenoi ''(''tòn theòn''), the ''Hellenes ''whom Saint Paul regularly meets in the course of his indefatigable mission <ref>God-Fearers in ''Acts. ''Chap. x: description of a model God-Fearer, ''i.e. ''the centurion Cornelius denoted as ''eusebès kaì phoboùmenos tòn theòn ''expressing his piety by means of almsgiving and costant praying (x, 2) and enjoing a good reputation among Jews (x, 22). It is worth noting with PINES, “The Iranian Name for Christians and God-Fearers”, p.147, as “according to the Acts of the Apostles, the first Gentile converted to Christianity was one of the God-fearers”. Cornelius’ episode is the turning point of the book: from here, ''Acts'' is the history of this mission. xiii, 16 (''phoboùmenoi tòn theòn''); 43 (''sebòmenoi prosèlytoi''): the passage has been long discussed, because of its apparent self-contradiction, the words used here by Luke denoting two different classes of believers. Generally two solutions to the problem have been proposed: the first one is that ''prosèlytoi ''is a wrong word, namely an ancient gloss or “a careless expression” (KUHN-STEGEMANN, ''RE'', Suppl. IX, col.1253; KUHN, ''TWNT'', VI [1968], p.743; E. HAENCHEN, ''Die Apostelgeschichte'', in ''KritischeexegetischeKommentar uber das Neue Testament'', III, Gottingen 1959, p.355 n.5 [ET, Oxford 1971, p.413 n.5]; ROMANIUK, loc. cit., p.81; LIFSHITZ, “Du Nouveau sur les Sympathisants”, p.80; H. CONZELMANN, ''Acts of the Apostles'', Philadelphia 1987, p.106); the second coincides with the position of the scholars who reject any technical sense of the word ''sebòmenoi ''(FOAKES-JACKSON, ''BC'', V, p.88; WILCOX, “The ‘God-Fearers’ in Acts: A Reconsideration”, p.181 f.). But particularly worth of interest is a third possibility, namely the suggestion of LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting'', p.47, who argues “that ''prosèlytos ''is used here in the same manner as in Mattew in a basic ‘verbal’ sense of ‘coming to any-thing new’”: she had in fact checked a semantic value of the term/verb ''prosèlytos''/''prosèrkhetai ''present in some Christian texts such as the ''Homiliae ''of ASTERIUS OF AMASEA, the ''Praescriptio ''of MARIA OF CASSOBELA, and a passage of CLEMENS OF ALEXANDRIA, where “alongside the traditional meaning there began to develop another one, namely ‘a convert to Christianity’ ”, hence the more general “idea of approaching anything new”, by which interpretation obviously all contradictions cease to exist); 50; xvi, 14; xvii, 4, 17; xvii, 17; xviii, 6-7 (''sebòmenoi ''[''tòn theòn''] and ''sebòmenoi Hèllenes'': the abridged formula ''oisebòmenoi ''could also be explained by the commandment of not naming in vain God: cf. J. KLAUSNER, ''Von Jesus zu Paulus'', Jerusalem-Amsterdam 1950, p.55; LIFSHITZ, ''ibidem''). We should add to these items three passages mentioning “Greeks” (xiv, 1, xviii, 4 and xix, 10: ''Ioudaìous kaì Hellenas''), whose identity is certainly not different from the ''sebomènon Hellènon ''previously mentioned in xvii, 4 (cf. REYNOLDSTANNEMBAUM, ''Jews and God-Fearers'', p.51). For other direct or indirect Greek literary references to God-Fearers (Epictetus, Filo, Josephus), see BERTRAM, art. “Theosebès”, ''TWNT ''III, p.123 ff.; COHEN, “Respect for Judaism by Gentiles According to Josephus”, pp.416-9 (who counts as many as five instances in ''AJ'': 3, 217; 3, 318-9; 20, 34; 20, 41; 20, 195; and four in ''BJ'': 2, 454; 2, 463; 2, 560; 7, 45); MARCUS, “The ''Sebòmenoi ''in Josephus”, pp.247-50. Talmudic references to ''yere’i ash-shamayyim ''(“Heaven Fearers”, where “Heaven” is the traditional metonymy for God) are collected and discussed by I. LEVY, “Le Proselytisme Juif”, ''REJ ''50 (1905), pp.1-9; 51 (1906), pp.29-31; and by SIEGERT, “Gottesfurchtiger”, pp.110-27; add REYNOLDS-TANNEMBAUM, op. cit., p.48 f. and notes; FELDMAN, “Jewish Sympathizers”, p.207 f.; and the lemma ''jàre’'', ''TWAT'', s.v</ref>in the synagogues of Asia Minor and Greece where he preaches the evangelical message (but in other meetingplaces also, mostly after Paul’s last theological break with the Jews <ref>EPIPHANIUS, ''Panarion'', 80, 1-2, compares [[Messalians]]’ places of prayer with extra-mural Jewish sanctuaries, like the cultic place outside the city walls where Paul met the God-fearing Lydia, or another one built by the Samaritans in the shape of an open-air theatre, adding that they also used buildings similar to churches: cf. below p.26.</ref>: ''Thus I shall go to Gentiles'') <ref>''Acts'', xviii, 6.</ref>, and who consequently appear to be the original bulk of the emerging Christianity according to Luke’s ''Acts''.
For the cultic features of the Western ''metuentes'', what we have observed in Juvenal’s satyrical verses <ref>Above in the text and n. 209.</ref>is perhaps enough; in reference to God-Fearers’ practices in ''Acts ''one must rather stress the crucial decision of Jerusalem’s Council (51 C.E.) <ref>For “The Apostolic Council of Jerusalem”, see K. LAKE’s ''Note XVI'', in ''BC'', I, 5, pp.195-212.</ref>, where the duties of such Gentile Converts to Christianity were fixed once and for all: ''Wherefore my sentence is, that we trouble not them, which from among the Gentiles are turned to God: but that we write unto them, that they abstain from pollutions of idols, and from fornication, and from things strangled, and from blood'' <ref>''Acts'', xv, 19-20. </ref>. What is that? It is just the moral-religious code which, according to rabbinical tradition, every man is obliged to follow, and in particular the stranger, the ''resident alien'' (''[[gertoshàb]] '', ''ger ash-sha’ar'') in the State of Israel <ref>For the equivalence ''ger(ei) [[toshàb]] – ger(ei) ash-sha’ar – ben(ei) Noah, ''cf. SCHURER-VERMESMILLAR- GOODMAN, ''The History of the Jewish People'', III, 1, p.171; STRACK-BILLERBECK, ''Komm. z.NT'', II, p.722 f.; MOORE, ''Judaism'', I, p.341; REYNOLDS-TANNEMBAUM, op. cit., p.48 f. and 58 f. </ref>: the so-called ''Noachite Laws'' <ref>''Talmud'': ‘''Aboda Zara'', (8, 4) 64b; ''Sanhedrin'', 56a; ''Ger. ''3, 1; cf. the arts. “Laws (Noachian)”, ''JE ''VII, pp.648-50 and “Noachite Laws”, ''EJ ''XII, cols. 1190-1; see also J. BONSIRVEN, ''Le Judaisme Palestinien auTemps de Jesus-Christ'', I, Paris 1934, p.251; KLAUSNER, ''Von Jesus zu Paulus'', p.345. We reproduce the list given by REYNOLDS-TANNEMBAUM, op. cit., p.59, and their relative remarks: “What were the seven commandments? On the one hand, we find commandments against 1) idolatry; 2) incest; 3) murder; 4) profanation of the name of God; 5) robbery; 6) a positive commandment on the duty to form instruments of justice; 7) a ban of eating parts cut out of living animals. On the other hand we are told that the tanna’itic school of Manasseh omitted from the Noachite commandments those on the courts and on blasphemy (nos. 6 and 4 above), and substituted prohibitions of emasculation and ‘forbidden mixture’ (of plants, in ploughing, etc.)”.</ref>. There exist various versions of such prescriptions <ref>Cf. for example ''The Book of Jubilees'', 7, 20 ff., which hands down a quite different list. The set of prescriptions contained in ''Acts'', xv, 19-20 (and repeated in the next passage 28-9), however, is specially worth of attention, since it “is the only one that bears any systematic relationship to the set of religious laws which the Pentateuch makes obligatory upon resident aliens” (“Noachite Laws”, col.1190); cf. also ''Ps.Clementines'', ''PG ''II, col.221. </ref>, but it is interesting to notice now that after this historical decision Christians Converts coming from Gentilism, namely uncircumcised Christians (''Ecclesia ex Gentibus'') <ref>“The Apostolic decree, a rule agreed at the Apostolic Council where Paul, Peter and others met to discuss the extent to which the gentile converts to Christianity had to follow Jewish Law, is currently agreed by many to be a kind of Christian God-fearers’ rule” (REYNOLDS-TANNEMBAUM, op. cit., p.61, with bibliographical references at n.261); cf. SIMON, ''Verus Israel'', p.392: “Le décret apostolique, fixant comme condition à l’admission des Gentils la pratique des precepts dits noachiques, se place dans la mème ligne de la propagande juive”. </ref>, God-Fearers, at least the ''sebòmenoi/phoboùmenoi ''(''tòn theòn'')/''Hellenes ''contacted by Paul and other apostles, ''Hunafà’'', at least the ''Hanìf ''Zayd whose devotional practices are the only ones to be explicitly stated in the ''Sìra ''<ref>A fundamental correspondence between these different cathegories of people are also suggested by the English translator of the ''Sìrah'', A. GUILLAUME who, when commenting ibn Ishàq’s portrait of Zayd, pointed out that “the influence of the Jewish formula, taken over by early Christianity, is clear” (''The Life ofMuhammad'', p.99 n.2). Cf. however above, p.21 f. and ns. 188-192. </ref>, Sabians, whom many traditions consider as Noah’s heirs and consequently followers of the ''Noachite Laws'' <ref>See the authors and the works quoted by CHWOLSON, ''Die Ssabier'', II, p.563 (cf. I, p.271 and n.1), and p.592 f. (cf. GREEN, ''The City of the Moon-God'', p.13); add Khalìl ibn Ahmad who, according to al- Qurtubì, ibn Kathìr and ibn Hayyàn, states that “the Sabians believe that they belong to the religion of the prophet Noah” (quoted by GUNDUZ, ''The Knowledge of Life'', p.25).</ref>, and finally Harranians, whose capital city is said to have been founded by Noah or by some of his relatives (a son or a nephew) after the Flood <ref>For textual references to ibn al-Kalbì, Yàqùt and Bar Hebraeus, see again CHWOLSON, op. cit., II, p.553 and p.549 f. (cf. I, p.311), who, in relation to Bar Hebraeus, mentions Sem’s son Arpakshad, whereas in BUDGE’s translation of the ''Chronicon ''(cit. above n.159), p.7, one finds out the name of Noah’s nephew Shàlàh. AL-TABARI, on the other hand, in his ''History ''claims that ''Sàbì ''is another name of Lamech, the father of Noah (''Ta’rìkh al rasùl wa al-mulùk'', ed. M.J. De GOEJE, repr. Leiden 1964, I, p.178 [ET ''TheHistory of al-Tabarì'', New York 1987]: the great poligraph accepts this derivation of the name ''Sàbi’ùn ''from an eponymous hero together with the other one proposed by him in his ''Tafsìr'': see below p.30 and n.271); cf. AL-ASH’ARI, ''Tashìl al-sabìl'', Comm. ad ''Sùra ''2, 59 (quoted by CHWOLSON, II, p.563, cf. I, p.271). For the opinion that the Sabians claim to be followers of the religion of Noah, see AL-TUSI, ''al-Tibiyàn fì tafsìral-Qur’àn'', I, ed. Najaf 1376 H./1956, p.282 (Comm. ad ''Sùra ''2, 62); KASHANI, ''Minhaj al-sàdiqìn fì ilzàmal-mukhàlifìn'', III, ed. Teheran 1346 H.S./1927, p.283 (Comm. ad ''Sùra ''2, 62): cf. Mc AULIFFE, “Exegetical Identification of the Sàbi’ùn”, p.97 and p.100; add the modern Muslim lexicographers quoted by CHWOLSON, II, p.592 f. , and the authors cited in the previous note. </ref>, appear to share to some extent the same ethicalreligious duties.
A passage from Gregory of Nyssa’s ''Contra Eunomium ''is another classical source about ''Hypsistiani'': that is the name, indeed very similar to the previous one recorded by the other Gregory, by which he denotes the members of this Monotheistic group, but without adding any relevant information except for the acknowledgement of attributes such as ''the highest'' and ''Pantokrator ''given to God by them and, at the same time, their rejection of a Christian attribute such as ''Father'' in reference to God <ref>GREGORIUS OF NYSSA, ''Eun.'', 2 (''PG ''45, 481D – 484A). For funerary epitaphs of two possible Hypsistarians in Phrygia, see MITCHELL, ''Anatolia'', p.50; R.L. FOX, ''Pagans and Christians'', Viking 1986, p.404; LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting'', p.101f. and n.107. </ref>.
The testimony of Epiphanius about ''[[Messalians ]]''(''Those who pray''), even called ''[[Euphemitai ]]''(''Those who bless''), happens during the same period (376 C.E.) and is contained in his ''Panarion ''where the subject is discussed at length. The Cyprian bishop distinguishes between a Christian sect by this name and the ''Pagan'' community <ref>Both groups were known by a number of additional names such as ''Martyriani'', ''Enthusiastae ''etc. About [[Messalians ]] see ''PS'', Part I, Vol. 3: ''Liber Graduum'', ed. M. KMOSKO, Paris 1926, cxv-cxlix (Discussion), clxx-ccxcii (Ancient Testimonia). The Christian sect was condemned by synods at Side and Costantinople (cf. G.W.H. LAMPE, ''A Patristic Greek Lexicon'', Oxford 1961, p.833, for textual references): close affinities with Christianity result for example from their adoption of a martyr cult. On the other hand, close similarities with Judaism emerge just from the name of their places of worship, because ''proseuche ''occurs almost exclusively in Jewish contexts: a good analysis of the word is given by M. HENGEL, “Proseuche und Synagoge: Judische Gemeinde, Gotteshaus und Gottesdienst in der Diaspora und in Palastina”, in ''Traditionund Glaube: Festgabe fur K.G. Kuhn'', Gottingen 1971, pp.157-83 (= ''The Synagogue, Studies in Origins,Archaeology and Architecture'', ed. J. GUTMANN, New York 1975, pp.110-48); see also L. ROBERT, ''Opera Minora Selecta'', II, Amsterdam 1969, p.1611; SCHURER-VERMES-MILLAR-GOODMAN, ''TheHistory of the Jewish People'', II (1979), p.425 f. n.4 and p.439 f. n.61. The word is used to denote sanctuaries of ''Theòs Hypsistos ''in the Bosporan Kingdom, on Delos, in Galatia, in Hellenistic Egypt (Athribis): references in MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypistos”, nos.85, 88, 109, 202, 285; discussion in HORSLEY, ''New Documents'', III, p.121, IV, p.201. </ref>, for both of which he shows very little sympathy indeed, but we are for the moment only interested to record what the famous heresiologist knows about the latter: ''They are simply pagans who admit the existence of gods but worship none among them; they adore one God only, whom they call Almighty. They also construct for themselves certain houses or spacious areas, like ''fora'', which they call ''proseuchai''. Of old there were certain places of prayer among the Jews which were outside the city, and among the Samaritans, as we find as well in the ''Acts of theApostles'', where Lydia, a seller of purple goods, met those with Paul … Now these earlier [[Messalians]], who derive themselves from pagans and who appeared on the scene before those at present who derive from the Christian religion, have themselves constructed on the one hand certain small places in certain regions which are called ''proseuchai ''or ''eukteria'', while in other locations they have built for themselves something like churches, where they gather at evening and morning with much lighting of lamps and torches and lengthy singing hymns and acclamations to God by the zealous among them, through which hymns and acclamations they fondly think to conciliate God'' <ref>EPIPHANIUS, ''Pan''., 80, 1-3 (''GCS'', ''Epiphanius'', ed. K. HOLL, III, pp.485-8). </ref>.
One changes geographical area with Cyril of Alexandria, whose information is worthy of attention mostly because of the name of the group that he mentions, for it recurs again under the form of ''Theosebeìs'', which we have already encountered. They live in Phoenicia and Palestina, worship ''Hypsistos Theòs ''but also other deities such as the Sun and the Moon, Earth and Heaven, and the brightest stars: just as was the case for Gregory of Nazianzus’ ''Hypsistarii'', also Cyril claims that ''Theosebeìs''’ beliefs and ritual customs are neither Jewish or Christian, but are a sort of mixture of both <ref>CYRILLUS OF ALEXANDRIA, ''De Ador. in Sp. et Ver.'', 3, 92 (''PG ''68, 281 BC). </ref>.
Regarding the Sabians’ beliefs and rites, the following evidence comes out from these sources:
:1) They believe in only One God <ref>Wahb ibn Munabbìh (d. 110-14 H./ 728-32 C.E.), according to IBN QATAYBAH, Al-ma’àrìf, ed. Cairo 1934, p.202; IBN KATHIR, Tafsìr, ed. Cairo 1376 H./1956, I, p.104; and to ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Zayd (d. 182 H./798 C.E.), cf. AL-TABARI, Tafsìr, I, p.319; IBN KATHIR, op. cit., I, p.104; ABU AL-FARAJ, Tafsìr, ed. Beirut 1384 H./1964, I, p.92; IBN HAYYAN, Tafsìr, ed. Riyàd n.d., I, p.239. It is worth noting that this person is one of the sources of al-Tabarì (who mentions him simply as “al-Zayd”), to whom is also due the relevant information that the Sabians lived in Jazìrat al-Mawsil (i.e. the region around Mosul in Northern Mesopotamia), as MARGOLIOUTH, art. “Harrànians”, p.519, had stressed for demonstrating that just at this early date – namely almost fifty years before the date proposed by the Fihrist’s famous tale - the Harranians were called “Sabians”: the scholar claimed in fact that “the region around Mosul” is an acceptable geographical approximation for Harràn; cf. GREEN, The City of the Moon-God, p.106 (who dates back Zayd’s death to 770, so that the link between Harràn and the Sabians can be established at least 75 years before al-Ma’mùn’s visit). Indeed, one should perhaps keep in mind that “in the time of the emperor Julian (361-3) the anchorite movement was widely extended and the region of Tùr ‘Abdìn [the large mountainous plateau running just South of Harràn in the direction of Mosul] had already acquired that name which means ‘Mountain of the Servants of God’, because of the number of its ascetics and cenobitic groupings” (SPENCER-TRIMINGHAM, op. cit., p.126).</ref>;
:7) They believe in the prophets <ref>Abù al-Zanàd, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; Ziyàd ibn Abìhì, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit. </ref>;
:3) They state they are followers of the prophet Noah <ref>Khalìl ibn ‘Ahmad (d. 170 H./786-7), according to AL-QURTUBI, ''Al-jamì’ al-‘ahkàm al-Qur’àn'', ed. Cairo 1387 H./1967, I, p.434; IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; IBN HAYYAN, loc. cit.; cf. CHWOLSON, ''DieSsabier'', I, p.188. </ref>;
:7) They believe in the prophets <ref>Abù al-Zanàd, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; Ziyàd ibn Abìhì, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit. </ref>;
:9) They fast 30 days a year <ref>Abù al-Zanàd, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit. It is convenient to recall here – in relation to points 5, 7, 8 and 9 - the quite strange picture of the Sabianism drawn by IBN HAZM, op. cit. (above n.188), p. 34 ff., according to whom it would have had many rites and practices in common with Islàm. According to our sources of information about it (and in particular AL-NADÌM and AL-BÌRÙNÌ’s cultic ''Calendars''), however, we must acknowledge that the religion of the Harrànians fits well with all these elements, excepting the reading of the ''Psalms'': the question of having no cult, scripture or prophet(s), on the other hand, deserves a more detailed analysis which we are going to perform in the next pages. </ref>.
:5) They pray in the direction of the ''qiblah ''<ref>Hasan al-Basrì (d. 110 H./728), according to AL-QURTUBI, loc. cit.; IBN HAYYAN, loc. cit.; Abù al- Zanàd (d. 130 H./747), according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit. (in reality Abù al-Zanàd states that the Sabians pray towards Yaman, ''i.e. ''the South). </ref>;
:8) They have 5 daily ritual prayers <ref>Abù al-Zanàd, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; Ziyàd ibn Abìhi, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; Qatàdah, according to the same sources quoted in relation to him above n.255. </ref>;
:45) They pray in the direction of a ''qiblah ''<ref>Hasan al-Basrì (d. 110 H./728), according to AL-QURTUBI, loc. cit.; IBN HAYYAN, loc. cit.; Abù al- Zanàd (d. 130 H./747), according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit. (in reality Abù al-Zanàd states that the '''Sabians pray towards Yaman, "i.e. “the South"'''). </ref>; They pray towards the Sun <ref>Qatàdah (d. 118 H./ 736), according to AL-NAYSABURI, ''Gharàyb al-Qur’àn wa raghàyb al-furqàn'', ed. Cairo 1381 H./1962, I, p.333.. </ref>; :6) They worship the angels [[Netiaot|The Angels]] and read the psalms (''zabùr'') <ref>Qatàdah, according to AL-TABARI, op. cit., I, p.320; AL-QURTUBI, loc. cit.; IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; Khalìl, according to AL-QURTUBI, loc. cit.; IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; IBN HAYYAN, loc. cit.; Hasan al- Basrì, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; ABU AL-FARAJ, loc. cit.; ibn Abì Nujayh (d. 132 H./749), and Suddì (d. 128 H./745), according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; IBN HAYYAN, loc. cit. Other Muslim personalities confirm that Sabians worship the angels (Abù Yusuf [d. 182 H./798], Muhammad ibn Hasan [d. 189 H./804]; cf. ABU LAYTH AL-SAMARQANDI, ''Tafsìr'', Suleymaniye Library, Fatih Bolumu Nu: 227, ed. Istanbul, I, p.19B) and read ''zabùr ''(Abù al-‘Aliyah [d. 90 H./708], Rabì’ ibn ‘Anas al-Basrì [d. 139 H./756], according to AL-BUKHARI, ''Al-jàmi’ al-sahìh'', ed. Istanbul 1981, I, p.90; AL-QURTUBI, loc. cit.; IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; IBN HAYYAN, loc. cit.). </ref>; :2) They do not have any one cult, scripture or prophet <ref>‘Abd Rahman ibn Zayd, according to the Muslim sources quoted in relation to him in the previous note. </ref>;
It is clear that there are some contradictions among these statements; it is evident, in other words, that some of these scholars have in mind a certain religious community, a precise one, probably even the Mandaeans or another Baptismal sect, since some of them lived – as they still do nowadays – in the South of Iraq <ref>It is the case of Ziyàd ibn Abìhì, Hasan al-Basrì, Qatàdah, Abù al-Zanàd, Khalìl ibn Ahmad, Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Abù Yusuf and Muhammad ibn Hasan. </ref>. But the problem is not to determine whether the Mandaeans may be included among the Sabians and may consequently be part of the ''People of the Book'' <ref>Taking into account its Monotheistic character, the possession of a Holy Book and the acknowledgment of a Prophet, in fact, their religion, as well as the doctrine of the Elkesaites/''Mughtasila''/''Sàbat al-Batàih'', no doubt is consistent with the features of the “People of the Book” and consequently with those of the group designated as the “Sabians”, mostly because Muhammad himself “may not have fully understood the practices and beliefs of the people he called by that name” (GREEN, ''The City of the Moon-God'', p.105). Despite the identification Sabians = Mandaeans of which he appears to be convinced, J. THOMAS himself, who consecrated a study to ''Le Mouvement Baptiste en Palestine et en Syrie ''(Gembloux 1935), had to recognize that the latter group – in consequence of its peripherical position and of the small number of its members - could never attract the attention of the Prophet nor let him consider the Mandaean sect in terms of a cult as important as Christianity and Judaism: “Il est clair cependant que la secte sabéenne des auteurs arabes (nos Mandéens) … n’aurait pas, à elle seule, merité un tel traitement de faveur; c’est un mouvement plus vaste qui a du ètre visé … Le Coran aurait-il englobé sous l’appellation de Sabéens les Baptistes de Syrie ? Nous n’oserions ni l’affirmer ni le nier” (p.208 f.). </ref>; the problem is whether these features fit with their religion or not. Now, we think that a statement such as the second one, namely that ''they do not have any cult, scripture or prophet'', or that ''they do not have a certain canonical law'', or even that ''they have no distinctive religion'' is a very singular feature. Actually, with the final summary of the beliefs and the rites of the Sabians made by S. Gunduz, the last and resolute exponent of the ''Mandaean party''<ref>GUNDUZ, ''The Knowledge of Life'', p.25 f.</ref>, one cannot appreciate thoroughly the real weight that the above cited definitions have according to these scholars, while they recur very frequently and are particularly stressed by many of them <ref>We believe that the number of witnesses in agreement about a certain feature could not be judged by itself an undisputable factor for deciding the very weight which it deserves: it needs to take into adequate consideration not only the historical and cultural context of the source in question, but also the role which sometimes the chance may have played for the survival of a certain document: all this may appear ever so trivial, but it seems us closely paralleled by the important methodological discussion about the wrong use of the material in their possession often made by epigraphists, carried on by MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, pp.97 ff. and 111 ff. In any case, it should be noted that nobody – as far as we know – has ever dwelt upon such a definition of Sabianism, despite its exceptional, very astonishing nature. Actually, literally speaking, which could be the meaning of a similar information ? How could one answer to the question ? 262 bis) About this point see the convincing argument of R. DUSSAUD, ''Histoire et religion des Nosairìs'', Paris 1900, p.84. </ref>.

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