Too often outsiders imagine that [[Noahite]] refers to a recent or even only a Talmudic innovation. The following article examines some of the history of the movement.  '''"God-Fearers: A Solution to the Ancient Problem of the Identity of the Sabians" ''' reflects the research of Alberto Fratini and Carl Prato and contains their contributions on the Sabei and the Sabeismo.<ref>[http://www.ricerchefilosofiche.it/ God-Fearers: A Solution to the Ancient Problem of the Identity of the Sabians]</ref>
==Premise==
The aim of the present work is to shed some light on a long-standing mistery, the identity of the Sabians. Five years ago, indeed, we published a short study just on the same subject <ref>A. FRATINI - C. PRATO, ''I Sebòmenoi (tòn Theòn): Una Risposta all’ Antico Enigma dei Sabei'', Rome 1977 (in Italian, with an English Summary).</ref>where we presented a theory that nobody else had ever advanced: the substantial equivalence of the Sabians with the loose religious group of the God- Fearers <ref>The literature about the subject is enormous. We record here just some of the relevant studies chronologically predating a basically turning-point such as Aphrodisia; most of the other ones will be quoted in the course of discussion: E. SCHURER, ''Die Juden im bosphoranischen Reiche und die Genossenschaften der ''sebòmenoi theòn hypsiston ''ebendaselbst'', ''Sitzungsberichte der koniglich preussischenAkademie der Wissenschaften'', Phil.-Hist. Klasse, Berlin 1897, pp.199-225; K. LAKE, ''Proselytes and G-d Fearers'', in F. FOAKES JACKSON - K. LAKE eds., ''The Beginnings of Christianity'', I, ''The Acts of Apostles'', Vol. 5, London 1933, pp.74-96; G. BERTRAM, art. ''Theosebès'', ''TWNT ''III, pp.124-8; L. FELDMAN, ''Jewish ‘Sympathizers’ in Classical Literature and Inscriptions'', ''TAPA, ''81 (1950), pp.200-8; L. ROBERT, ''Nouvelles Inscriptions de Sardes'', I, Paris 1964, pp.39-45; K. ROMANIUK, ''Die Gottesfurchtigen im Neun Testament'', ''Aegiptus ''44 (1964), pp.66-91; T. KLAUSER, ''Synagogé tòn Ioudaìon kaì Theosebòn''. Die Aussage einer bosporanischen Freilassungschrift (''CIRB ''71) zum Problem der ‘Gottesfurchtigen’'', ''JAC ''8/9 (1965), pp.171-6; B. LIFSHITZ, ''Du Nouveau sur les Sympathisants'', ''JSJ ''1 (1970), pp.77-84; F. SIEGERT, ''Gottesfurchtige und Symphatisanten'', ''JSJ ''4 (1973), pp.109-64.</ref>(or, even better, God-Worshippers, ''i.e. ''devotees of the Most-High God <ref>For the choice of a technical term such as ''God-Worshippers'' instead of ''God-Fearers'' (because of the evident connection of the latter expression to a Jewish background) see P. R. TREBILCO, ''JewishCommunities in Asia Minor'', Cambridge 1991, p.246 n.1: '' ‘God-worshipper’, a translation of ''theosebès'', … is a more appropriate term than ‘God-fearer’, a translation of ''phoboùmenoi tòn theòn'', which occurs only in Acts''; cf. T. RAJAK, ''Jews and Christians as Groups in a Pagan World'', in J. NEUSNER - E. S. FRIERICHS eds., ''To See Ourselves as Others See Us'', Chico California 1985, p.255. See also SIEGERT’s important study ''Gottesfurchtige und Sympthisanten'' quoted above (n. 2), containing the best survey, at that date (1973), of the literary and epigraphic witnesses about God-Fearers. In the chapt. 13th of the ''Book ofActs'', Luke intentionally replaces the latter expression with the former, which thereafter does not appear any longer in the text. As M. WILCOX (''The ‘God-Fearers’ in Acts: a Reconsideration'', ''JSNT ''13 [1981], p.118) rightly stresses: "''The changeover from ''phoboùmenos tòn theòn ''to ''sebòmenos tòn theòn ''corresponds to a shift in emphasis in Acts from the basically Torah-centered piety of the earlier part to the Gentile mission of the later section … The fact suggests that their use and distribution matches Luke’s intention in his portrayal of events''. When we use ''God-Fearers'', therefore, we employ the expession in a non-rigid sense. For the ''Fear of God'' in the ''Old Testament ''culture see G. NAGEL, ''Crainte et Amour de Dieu dans l’Ancien Testament'', ''RThPhil ''23 (1945), pp.175-86; B. OLIVIER, ''La Crainte de Dieu comme Valeur Religieuse dans l’Ancien Testament'', in ''Les Etudes Religieuses'', Paris 1960, p.66 (''… crainte de Dieu, qui recouvre comme dans tout le mouvement sapientiel l’ensemble de la pieté, de la vie morale, d’une religion de la fidelité interieure'') and ''passim''; H. BALZ, art. ''Phobèo, phobèomai'', ''TWNT ''IX, mostly pp.197-216. </ref>), whose importance and wide <ref>We use the expression exactly in the following technical sense: ''God-Fearers'' = ''People of pagan origin worshipping the Most-High God'', without investigating which kind of relation they had with the Jewish religious milieu. We follow therefore S. MITCHELL, ''The Cult of Theos Hypsistos between Pagans, Jews and Christians'', in P. ATHANASSIADI - M. FREDE, ''Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity'', Oxford 1999, p.119: ''Theosebès ''was a specific, technical term used to describe themselves by the worshippers of Theos Hypsistos. It served to identify them both among themselves and to the outside world. The prefix ''theo''should not be understood in a loose sense as referring to any god, but precisely to the highest, the one and only god, whom they revered''. There are many scholars thinking that the epithet ''Hypsistos'' does not necessarily imply Jewish influence: A.D. NOCK - C. ROBERTS - T.C. SKEAT, ''The Guild of Zeus Hypsistos'', ''HTR ''29 (1936), pp.64-9 (repr. in A.D. NOCK, ''Essays on Religion and the Ancient World'', I, Oxford 1972, pp.414-43); L. ROBERT, ''Reliefs Votifs et Cultes d’Anatolie'', ''Anatolia ''3 (1958), pp.119; T. DREW-BEAR, ''Local Cults in Graeco-Roman Phrygia'', ''GRBS ''17 (1976), pp. 248; S. M. SHERWINWHITE, ''A Note on Three Coan Inscriptions'', ''ZPE ''21 (1976), p. 187; G.H.R. HORSLEY, ''New DocumentsIllustrating Early Christianity'', I, Macquarie University 1976, p. 26; E. N. LANE, ''Corpus MonumentorumReligionis dei Menis'', III, EPRO 19, Leiden 1976, p.94; M. SIMON, ''Jupiter-Yahwé'', ''Numen ''23 (1986), pp.40-66; M. TATSCHEVA-HITOVA, ''Eastern Cults in Moesia Inferior and Thracia (5th Century BC – 4thCentury AD)'', EPRO 95, Leiden 1983, pp.203-4 and 211-15; E. BERNARD, ''Au Dieu très Haut'', in ''Hommages à Jean Cousin. Rencontres avec l’Antiquité Classique'', Institut Felix Gaffiot, I, Paris 1983, pp 111; S. E. JOHNSON, ''The Present State of Sabazios Research'', ''ANRW ''II, 17.3, pp. 1606-7; Yulia USTINOVA, ''The Supreme Gods of the Bosporan Kingdom. Celestial Aphrodite and the Most-High God'', Leiden 1999, pp.183-287. </ref>diffusion geographically and chronologically is now accepted <ref>For the scholars who, in spite of all, do not agree with this opinion see below n. 9. </ref>. Almost twenty-five years ago (1977), the exceptional archaeological discovery in the site of the ancient city of Aphrodisia of a big stele <ref>The discovery was made during the preparations for construction of the Aphrodisias Museum, in connection with the excavation on the site conducted by Prof. Erim, sponsored by New York University and supported by National Geographic Society. First archaeological reports by Prof. K.T. ERIM himself in ''AJA'' 81 (1977), p.306, and ''AS ''27 (1977), p.31.</ref>, probably placed at the entrance of the local synagogue, mentioning the names of fifty-four ''pious God-fearers'' (''òsioi theosebîs'') beside those of sixty-nine Jews (plus three proselytes <ref>J. REYNOLDS - R. TANNENBAUM, ''Jews and God-Fearers at Aphrodisia'', ''PCPhS'', Suppl. Vol. 12 , Cambridge 1987, edited and commented the original Greek text (cf. J. LINDERSKY’s Review, ''Gnomon ''63 (1991), p.561: ''… our inscription is a treasure''): for ''osioi theosebìs ''see p.6, face B, l.35 (two ''theosebès ''are also mentioned at p.5, face A, ll.19-20: Commentary pp.48-67; for proselytes see below, p.24 and ns. 207-8. For a short account of the event by the same Authors, see ''Jews and God-Fearers in the Holy City of Aphrodite'', ''BThR ''12.5 (Sept.-Oct. 1986), pp.54-7. Aphrodisia’s discovery suddenly moved the general pattern about God-Fearers, lighting again the discussion onto the subject to a great extent: WILCOX, op. cit. (above n.3); M. SIMON, art. ''Gottesfurchtiger'', ''RAC ''XI, cols. 1060-70; Th. M. FINN, ''The God-Fearers Reconsidered'', ''C BQ ''47 (1985), pp.75-84; J. G. GAGER, ''Jews, Gentiles, and Synagogues in the Book of Acts'', ''HTR ''79.1-3 (1986), pp.91-99; L. H. KANT, ''Jewish Inscriptions in Greek and Latin'', ''ANRW ''II, 20.2, Berlin 1987, pp. 671-713; E. SCHURER, ''The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ'', A New English Version Revised and Edited by G. VERMES, F. MILLAR, M. GOODMAN, III, 1, Edinburgh 1986, chap. 5; L. H. FELDMAN, ''Proselytes and ‘Sympathizers’ in the Light of the New Inscriptions from Aphrodisia'', ''REJ ''118.3-4 (Jul.-Dec. 1989), pp.265-305; Idem, ''Jews and Gentiles in theAncient World. Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian'', Princeton 1993, pp..342-382 (''The Success of Jews in Winning ‘Symphatizers’ ''; notes pp.569-80); TREBILCO, ''Jewish Communities in AsiaMinor'', pp.145-66; J. M. LIEU, ''The Race of the God-Fearers'', ''JThS ''46 (1995), pp.483-501. Irina LEVINSKAYA’s ''The Book of Acts in Its Diaspora Setting ''(''The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting'', Vol. 5), Grand Rapids 1996, pp.51-126, no doubt contains the most complete and exaustive survey of the evidence, even if the full list and discussion of the literary documents is furnished by Feldman, in his second study above cited. </ref>) in their quality of donors <ref>The key-word in the original Greek text is read ''patella ''by REYNOLDS-TANNENBAUM, ''Jews andGod-Fearers'', p.27, and consequently interpreted in terms of a ''’distributory station for charity food’ – ''i.e. ''‘a community soup kitchen’. Such a place is also called ''samhui ''in the rabbinical sources … The institution was current at the earliest likely date of our inscription [about the half of the III c. C.E.] in Palestine Jewish communities''. Both the word’s reading and the date proposed by the authors have been criticized: the issues of the discussion are uninteresting for our purposes, so that we limit ourselves to quote the dense ''lemma ''918, ''SEG ''41 (1991), pp.302-3, where many useful references are given; add Margaret H. WILLIAMS, ''The Jews and Godfearers Inscription from Aphrodisia – A Case of Patriarchal Interference in Early 3rd Century Caria?'', ''Historia ''41.3 ((1992), pp.297-310; H. BOTERMANN, ''Griechish-judische Epigraphic: zur Datierung der Aphrodisias-Inschriften'', ''ZPE ''98 (1993), pp.184-94 (where 2 proselytes and 3 ''theosebeìs ''are wrongly counted, instead of the reverse); P. van MINNEN, ''Drei Bemerkungen zur Geschichte des Judentums in der griechisch-romischen Welt'', ''ZPE ''100 (1994), pp.253-258; Marianne PALMER-BOLZ, ''The Jewish Donor Inscriptions from Aphrodisias: Are They Both Third-Century, and Who Are the Theosebeis?'', ''HSCPh ''96 (1994), pp.281-299. For the socio-religious class of ''donors'' see the classical ''Donateurs et Fondateurs dans les Synagogues Juives'', B. LIFSHITZ ed., Paris 1997.</ref>, in fact, seemed finaally to have put an end to a fruitless discussion, which had been going on for no less than sixty years, about the existence of this group <ref>A.T. KRAABEL is no doubt the scholar who with most convinction continued to argue strongly that the various expressions usually translated as ''God-Fearers'' (''sebòmenoi/phoboùmenoi ''[''tòn theòn'']'', theosebeìs,metuentes ''etc.) cannot be interpreted as technical terms, in spite of the clear evidence coming out from Aphrodisia; moreover, he put in doubt the historical reliability of Luke’s picture of the facts mentioned in ''Acts''. See his several provoking (cf. the definition ‘enfant terrible’ given to him by LEVINSKAYA, op. cit. [above n.7], p.21) articles: ''The Disappearance of the God-Fearers'', ''Numen ''28 (1981), pp.113-26; ''The Roman Diaspora: Six Questionable Assumptions'', ''JJS ''33 (1982), pp.445-64; ''Synagoga Caeca: Systematic Distorsion in Gentile Interpretation of the Evidence for Judaism in the Early Christian Period'', in NEUSNER-FRERICHS eds., ''To See Ourselves as Others See Us''; ''Greeks, Jews and Lutherans in the Middle Half of Acts'', in G.W.E. NICKELSBURG - G. MacRAE eds., ''Christians among Jews and Gentiles:Essays in Honour of Krister Stendhal on his Sixty-Fifth Birthday ''(= ''HTR ''79 [1986]), pp.147-157; (with S. Mc LENNAN) ''The G-d-Fearers – A Literary and Theological Invention'', ''BThR ''12.5 (Sept-Oct. 1986), pp.46-53. J. MURPHY- O’ CONNOR, ''Lots of God-Fearers? ''Theosebeis ''in the Aphrodisia Inscription'', ''RB'' 99.2 (1992), pp.418-24, shares the same opinions of Kraabel, as well as R.S. KRAEMER, ''On the Meaning of the Term ‘Jew’ in Graeco-Roman Inscriptions'', ''HTR ''82.1 (1989), pp.35-53, in spite that the ''inscription from ancient Aphrodisia has been read by a number of scholars as the definitive evidence against Kraabel’s interpretation'' (''ibid. ''p.36 n.4). </ref>. Unfortunately, the edition in Italian of our essay and the small number of libraries and scholars we could contact at that time limited its impact, in spite of the favourable impression it made upon the scholars who had the possibility to read the study.The aim of the present work is to shed some light on a long-standing mistery, the identity of the [[Sabians]]. Five years ago, indeed, we published a short study just on the same subject <ref>A. FRATINI - C. PRATO, ''I Sebòmenoi (tòn Theòn): Una Risposta all’ Antico Enigma dei Sabei'', Rome 1977 (in Italian, with an English Summary).</ref>where we presented a theory that nobody else had ever advanced: the substantial equivalence of the Sabians with the loose religious group of the God- Fearers <ref>The literature about the subject is enormous. We record here just some of the relevant studies chronologically predating a basically turning-point such as Aphrodisia; most of the other ones will be quoted in the course of discussion: E. SCHURER, ''Die Juden im bosphoranischen Reiche und die Genossenschaften der ''sebòmenoi theòn hypsiston ''ebendaselbst'', ''Sitzungsberichte der koniglich preussischenAkademie der Wissenschaften'', Phil.-Hist. Klasse, Berlin 1897, pp.199-225; K. LAKE, ''Proselytes and G-d Fearers'', in F. FOAKES JACKSON - K. LAKE eds., ''The Beginnings of Christianity'', I, ''The Acts of Apostles'', Vol. 5, London 1933, pp.74-96; G. BERTRAM, art. ''Theosebès'', ''TWNT ''III, pp.124-8; L. FELDMAN, ''Jewish ‘Sympathizers’ in Classical Literature and Inscriptions'', ''TAPA, ''81 (1950), pp.200-8; L. ROBERT, ''Nouvelles Inscriptions de Sardes'', I, Paris 1964, pp.39-45; K. ROMANIUK, ''Die Gottesfurchtigen im Neun Testament'', ''Aegiptus ''44 (1964), pp.66-91; T. KLAUSER, ''Synagogé tòn Ioudaìon kaì Theosebòn''. Die Aussage einer bosporanischen Freilassungschrift (''CIRB ''71) zum Problem der ‘Gottesfurchtigen’'', ''JAC ''8/9 (1965), pp.171-6; B. LIFSHITZ, ''Du Nouveau sur les Sympathisants'', ''JSJ ''1 (1970), pp.77-84; F. SIEGERT, ''Gottesfurchtige und Symphatisanten'', ''JSJ ''4 (1973), pp.109-64.</ref>(or, even better, God-Worshippers, ''i.e. ''devotees of the Most-High God <ref>For the choice of a technical term such as ''God-Worshippers'' instead of ''God-Fearers'' (because of the evident connection of the latter expression to a Jewish background) see P. R. TREBILCO, ''JewishCommunities in Asia Minor'', Cambridge 1991, p.246 n.1: '' ‘God-worshipper’, a translation of ''theosebès'', … is a more appropriate term than ‘God-fearer’, a translation of ''phoboùmenoi tòn theòn'', which occurs only in Acts''; cf. T. RAJAK, ''Jews and Christians as Groups in a Pagan World'', in J. NEUSNER - E. S. FRIERICHS eds., ''To See Ourselves as Others See Us'', Chico California 1985, p.255. See also SIEGERT’s important study ''Gottesfurchtige und Sympthisanten'' quoted above (n. 2), containing the best survey, at that date (1973), of the literary and epigraphic witnesses about God-Fearers. In the chapt. 13th of the ''Book ofActs'', Luke intentionally replaces the latter expression with the former, which thereafter does not appear any longer in the text. As M. WILCOX (''The ‘God-Fearers’ in Acts: a Reconsideration'', ''JSNT ''13 [1981], p.118) rightly stresses: "''The changeover from ''phoboùmenos tòn theòn ''to ''sebòmenos tòn theòn ''corresponds to a shift in emphasis in Acts from the basically Torah-centered piety of the earlier part to the Gentile mission of the later section … The fact suggests that their use and distribution matches Luke’s intention in his portrayal of events''. When we use ''God-Fearers'', therefore, we employ the expession in a non-rigid sense. For the ''Fear of God'' in the ''Old Testament ''culture see G. NAGEL, ''Crainte et Amour de Dieu dans l’Ancien Testament'', ''RThPhil ''23 (1945), pp.175-86; B. OLIVIER, ''La Crainte de Dieu comme Valeur Religieuse dans l’Ancien Testament'', in ''Les Etudes Religieuses'', Paris 1960, p.66 (''… crainte de Dieu, qui recouvre comme dans tout le mouvement sapientiel l’ensemble de la pieté, de la vie morale, d’une religion de la fidelité interieure'') and ''passim''; H. BALZ, art. ''Phobèo, phobèomai'', ''TWNT ''IX, mostly pp.197-216. </ref>), whose importance and wide <ref>We use the expression exactly in the following technical sense: ''God-Fearers'' = ''People of pagan origin worshipping the Most-High God'', without investigating which kind of relation they had with the Jewish religious milieu. We follow therefore S. MITCHELL, ''The Cult of Theos Hypsistos between Pagans, Jews and Christians'', in P. ATHANASSIADI - M. FREDE, ''Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity'', Oxford 1999, p.119: ''Theosebès ''was a specific, technical term used to describe themselves by the worshippers of Theos Hypsistos. It served to identify them both among themselves and to the outside world. The prefix ''theo''should not be understood in a loose sense as referring to any god, but precisely to the highest, the one and only god, whom they revered''. There are many scholars thinking that the epithet ''Hypsistos'' does not necessarily imply Jewish influence: A.D. NOCK - C. ROBERTS - T.C. SKEAT, ''The Guild of Zeus Hypsistos'', ''HTR ''29 (1936), pp.64-9 (repr. in A.D. NOCK, ''Essays on Religion and the Ancient World'', I, Oxford 1972, pp.414-43); L. ROBERT, ''Reliefs Votifs et Cultes d’Anatolie'', ''Anatolia ''3 (1958), pp.119; T. DREW-BEAR, ''Local Cults in Graeco-Roman Phrygia'', ''GRBS ''17 (1976), pp. 248; S. M. SHERWINWHITE, ''A Note on Three Coan Inscriptions'', ''ZPE ''21 (1976), p. 187; G.H.R. HORSLEY, ''New DocumentsIllustrating Early Christianity'', I, Macquarie University 1976, p. 26; E. N. LANE, ''Corpus MonumentorumReligionis dei Menis'', III, EPRO 19, Leiden 1976, p.94; M. SIMON, ''Jupiter-Yahwé'', ''Numen ''23 (1986), pp.40-66; M. TATSCHEVA-HITOVA, ''Eastern Cults in Moesia Inferior and Thracia (5th Century BC – 4thCentury AD)'', EPRO 95, Leiden 1983, pp.203-4 and 211-15; E. BERNARD, ''Au Dieu très Haut'', in ''Hommages à Jean Cousin. Rencontres avec l’Antiquité Classique'', Institut Felix Gaffiot, I, Paris 1983, pp 111; S. E. JOHNSON, ''The Present State of Sabazios Research'', ''ANRW ''II, 17.3, pp. 1606-7; Yulia USTINOVA, ''The Supreme Gods of the Bosporan Kingdom. Celestial Aphrodite and the Most-High God'', Leiden 1999, pp.183-287. </ref>diffusion geographically and chronologically is now accepted <ref>For the scholars who, in spite of all, do not agree with this opinion see below n. 9. </ref>. Almost twenty-five years ago (1977), the exceptional archaeological discovery in the site of the ancient city of Aphrodisia of a big stele <ref>The discovery was made during the preparations for construction of the Aphrodisias Museum, in connection with the excavation on the site conducted by Prof. Erim, sponsored by New York University and supported by National Geographic Society. First archaeological reports by Prof. K.T. ERIM himself in ''AJA'' 81 (1977), p.306, and ''AS ''27 (1977), p.31.</ref>, probably placed at the entrance of the local synagogue, mentioning the names of fifty-four ''pious God-fearers'' (''òsioi theosebîs'') beside those of sixty-nine Jews (plus three proselytes <ref>J. REYNOLDS - R. TANNENBAUM, ''Jews and God-Fearers at Aphrodisia'', ''PCPhS'', Suppl. Vol. 12 , Cambridge 1987, edited and commented the original Greek text (cf. J. LINDERSKY’s Review, ''Gnomon ''63 (1991), p.561: ''… our inscription is a treasure''): for ''osioi theosebìs ''see p.6, face B, l.35 (two ''theosebès ''are also mentioned at p.5, face A, ll.19-20: Commentary pp.48-67; for proselytes see below, p.24 and ns. 207-8. For a short account of the event by the same Authors, see ''Jews and God-Fearers in the Holy City of Aphrodite'', ''BThR ''12.5 (Sept.-Oct. 1986), pp.54-7. Aphrodisia’s discovery suddenly moved the general pattern about God-Fearers, lighting again the discussion onto the subject to a great extent: WILCOX, op. cit. (above n.3); M. SIMON, art. ''Gottesfurchtiger'', ''RAC ''XI, cols. 1060-70; Th. M. FINN, ''The God-Fearers Reconsidered'', ''C BQ ''47 (1985), pp.75-84; J. G. GAGER, ''Jews, Gentiles, and Synagogues in the Book of Acts'', ''HTR ''79.1-3 (1986), pp.91-99; L. H. KANT, ''Jewish Inscriptions in Greek and Latin'', ''ANRW ''II, 20.2, Berlin 1987, pp. 671-713; E. SCHURER, ''The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ'', A New English Version Revised and Edited by G. VERMES, F. MILLAR, M. GOODMAN, III, 1, Edinburgh 1986, chap. 5; L. H. FELDMAN, ''Proselytes and ‘Sympathizers’ in the Light of the New Inscriptions from Aphrodisia'', ''REJ ''118.3-4 (Jul.-Dec. 1989), pp.265-305; Idem, ''Jews and Gentiles in theAncient World. Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian'', Princeton 1993, pp..342-382 (''The Success of Jews in Winning ‘Symphatizers’ ''; notes pp.569-80); TREBILCO, ''Jewish Communities in AsiaMinor'', pp.145-66; J. M. LIEU, ''The Race of the God-Fearers'', ''JThS ''46 (1995), pp.483-501. Irina LEVINSKAYA’s ''The Book of Acts in Its Diaspora Setting ''(''The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting'', Vol. 5), Grand Rapids 1996, pp.51-126, no doubt contains the most complete and exaustive survey of the evidence, even if the full list and discussion of the literary documents is furnished by Feldman, in his second study above cited. </ref>) in their quality of donors <ref>The key-word in the original Greek text is read ''patella ''by REYNOLDS-TANNENBAUM, ''Jews andGod-Fearers'', p.27, and consequently interpreted in terms of a ''’distributory station for charity food’ – ''i.e. ''‘a community soup kitchen’. Such a place is also called ''samhui ''in the rabbinical sources … The institution was current at the earliest likely date of our inscription [about the half of the III c. C.E.] in Palestine Jewish communities''. Both the word’s reading and the date proposed by the authors have been criticized: the issues of the discussion are uninteresting for our purposes, so that we limit ourselves to quote the dense ''lemma ''918, ''SEG ''41 (1991), pp.302-3, where many useful references are given; add Margaret H. WILLIAMS, ''The Jews and Godfearers Inscription from Aphrodisia – A Case of Patriarchal Interference in Early 3rd Century Caria?'', ''Historia ''41.3 ((1992), pp.297-310; H. BOTERMANN, ''Griechish-judische Epigraphic: zur Datierung der Aphrodisias-Inschriften'', ''ZPE ''98 (1993), pp.184-94 (where 2 proselytes and 3 ''theosebeìs ''are wrongly counted, instead of the reverse); P. van MINNEN, ''Drei Bemerkungen zur Geschichte des Judentums in der griechisch-romischen Welt'', ''ZPE ''100 (1994), pp.253-258; Marianne PALMER-BOLZ, ''The Jewish Donor Inscriptions from Aphrodisias: Are They Both Third-Century, and Who Are the Theosebeis?'', ''HSCPh ''96 (1994), pp.281-299. For the socio-religious class of ''donors'' see the classical ''Donateurs et Fondateurs dans les Synagogues Juives'', B. LIFSHITZ ed., Paris 1997.</ref>, in fact, seemed finaally to have put an end to a fruitless discussion, which had been going on for no less than sixty years, about the existence of this group <ref>A.T. KRAABEL is no doubt the scholar who with most convinction continued to argue strongly that the various expressions usually translated as ''God-Fearers'' (''sebòmenoi/phoboùmenoi ''[''tòn theòn'']'', theosebeìs,metuentes ''etc.) cannot be interpreted as technical terms, in spite of the clear evidence coming out from Aphrodisia; moreover, he put in doubt the historical reliability of Luke’s picture of the facts mentioned in ''Acts''. See his several provoking (cf. the definition ‘enfant terrible’ given to him by LEVINSKAYA, op. cit. [above n.7], p.21) articles: ''The Disappearance of the God-Fearers'', ''Numen ''28 (1981), pp.113-26; ''The Roman Diaspora: Six Questionable Assumptions'', ''JJS ''33 (1982), pp.445-64; ''Synagoga Caeca: Systematic Distorsion in Gentile Interpretation of the Evidence for Judaism in the Early Christian Period'', in NEUSNER-FRERICHS eds., ''To See Ourselves as Others See Us''; ''Greeks, Jews and Lutherans in the Middle Half of Acts'', in G.W.E. NICKELSBURG - G. MacRAE eds., ''Christians among Jews and Gentiles:Essays in Honour of Krister Stendhal on his Sixty-Fifth Birthday ''(= ''HTR ''79 [1986]), pp.147-157; (with S. Mc LENNAN) ''The G-d-Fearers – A Literary and Theological Invention'', ''BThR ''12.5 (Sept-Oct. 1986), pp.46-53. J. MURPHY- O’ CONNOR, ''Lots of God-Fearers? ''Theosebeis ''in the Aphrodisia Inscription'', ''RB'' 99.2 (1992), pp.418-24, shares the same opinions of Kraabel, as well as R.S. KRAEMER, ''On the Meaning of the Term ‘Jew’ in Graeco-Roman Inscriptions'', ''HTR ''82.1 (1989), pp.35-53, in spite that the ''inscription from ancient Aphrodisia has been read by a number of scholars as the definitive evidence against Kraabel’s interpretation'' (''ibid. ''p.36 n.4). </ref>. Unfortunately, the edition in Italian of our essay and the small number of libraries and scholars we could contact at that time limited its impact, in spite of the favourable impression it made upon the scholars who had the possibility to read the study.
This is one of the main reasons why we have decided to take up the subject again; the second, and more important one, is that we have gathered new and relevant pieces of information in support of our theory during recent last years, a circumstance that allows us not only to add further details to the picture already drawn in our previous study, but also to underline the extent to which the facts collected relate to one another with more accuracy and to point out better the weight of each one of them. Finally, we have paid more attention to the methodological aspects of the research, since we believe that the main cause of the unsuccessful results of the different authors who have been concerned with the Sabian ''enigma'' depends on methodological errors; in other words, we will show that there was a systematic fault in the scientific means of approaching the matter, especially concerning the etymological solutions to the problem of the meaning of the term ''Sabian'', as well as how the historical value of textual evidence has been taken into account.
Chwolson’s style of arguing seems easy, and it can be synthesized as follows: since Muhammad could not include a pagan community in the ''People of the Book'', to which Jews and Christians surely belonged, the Harranians cannot but lie when professing themselves ''Sabians'' (and in this sense the famous story of the meeting/dispute between Caliph al-Ma’mùn and the Harranians contained in al- Nadìm’s ''Fihrist ''chapter X plays a decisive role, as the perfect thing for this occasion <ref>IBN AL-NADIM, ''Kitàb al-Fihrist'', ed. G. FLUGEL, Leipzig 1872; ET by B. DODGE, ''The Fihrist of al-Nadìm'', New York-London 1970, pp.751-3. A similar version of the facts, even if much shorter than that, is given by HAMZA ISFAHANI, ''Ta’rìkh sinì mulùk al-ard wa l-anbiyà’'', LT by I..M.E. GOTTWALDT, Petropoli-Lipsiae, 1848, p.3; and by AL-KHWARIZMI, ''Mafàtih al-‘ulùm'', ed. G. Van VLOTEN, Lugd. Bat. 1895, p.36 (= CHWOLSON, op. cit., II, p.504 and p.506). Though not changing the information’s bulk, it seems us quite interesting the Greek word (= ''neighbourhood'', ''proximity'') quoted in brackets by the English translator of AL-BIRUNI, ''The Chronology of Ancient Nations'', ed. and ET by E. SACHAU, London 1879, p.314 f.: ''The same name is also applied to the Harrànians … although they themselves did not adopt this name before A.H. 228 under Abbasid rule, solely for the purpose of being reckoned among those from whom the duties of ''Dhimma ''(''metoikìa'') are accepted and towards whom the laws of ''Dhimma ''were observed. Before that time they were called heathens, idolaters, and Harrànians''. For the connection ''pàroikos ''(= ''mètoikos'') – ''ger ''- proselyte, see SCHURER-VERMES-MILLAR-GOODMAN, ''The History of the JewishPeople'', III, 1, p.170 n.78 (with abundant items from ''Talmud ''and ''Mishnah''’s writings): ''The word [''ger''] is originally equivalent to ''pàroikos'', ''advena'', but later a convert to Judaism – ''nomìmois proselelytòs toìsIoudaikoìs'', ''Ant. ''xviii, 3, 5 (82)''.</ref>; on the other hand, if the Harranian people are not the ''Sabi’ùn ''mentioned in ''Suras'' II, V and XXII laconic verses, there is no doubt that the Prophet had somebody else in mind: but who are the members of this unknown monotheistic community? The phonetic likeness ''Subbi''-''Sàbi’ùn ''provides Chwolson with the answer he wishes <ref>CHWOLSON, ''Die Ssabier'', I , chap. 5 (''Ueber die babylonischen Ssabier im Coràn oder die Mendaiten''), pp.100-38. The Russian orientalist accepts an idea previously proposed by J.D. MICHAELIS, ''Orientalischen Bibliotek'', Vol. 13, Frankfurt 1778, p.30 and Vol. 18, 1782, p.52, p.54, and by M. NORBERG, ''De Religione et Lingua Sabaeorum Commentatio'', Comment. Soc. Reg. Societ. Gott''., ''Vol. III, 1781 (cf. CHWOLSON, op. cit., I, p.66 ff.).</ref>.
But this solution is only apparently easy: it requires both a falsehood on the part of the Harranians who wanted to defend at any cost their ancient religious traditions, and an interested misunderstanding by the Islamic authorities who were welldisposed to turn a blind eye on a pagan community ''à outrance ''in exchange for money (the well-known ''leit-motiv ''of the Near-Eastern peoples’ innate corruption); moreover, it lets a very small religious group grow up in Muhammad’s mind until it becomes a Universal Religion like Christianity and Judaism, as it requires a rather free use of the rules of Etymology (and it is not surprising that very soon the latter point in Chwolson’s thesis was bitterly criticized). This is why we say that Chwolson fails not only in working out the simplest theory, but just a simple one, unless one uses the word as a fable, rather than as something worthy to the word Science. It goes without saying that if all the pieces of evidence in the new pattern which we are going to provide were demonstrated <ref>So for example J. PEDERSEN, “The Sabians”, in T.W. ARNOLD - R.A. NICHOLSON eds., ''‘Ajabnàma.A Volume of Oriental Studies Presented to E.G. Browne'', Cambridge 1922, p.387. Further criticisms already by T. NOLDEKE, Review to ''Thesaurus sive Liber Magnus vulgo Liber Adami appelllatus OpusMandaeorum ''…, ed. H: PETERSMANN, ''Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen'', I, Leipzig 1869, pp.481-501; W. BRANDT, ''[[Elchasai]], ein Religionstifter und sein Werk '', Giessen 1912 p.144 ff.</ref>beyond any doubt, we would not have spent so many words arguing and criticizing a book written a hundred an fifty years ago, even if – as we have already said – its theoretical issues are those which are to be found in most encyclopaedias and dictionaries. But we believe that all means are valid to show how much the opening of an alternative horizon on the Sabian problem is needed: it will lead the scholars’ efforts in a direction that might have been totally ignored, without the material collected here. In other words, we hope that, with the help of our suggestions, new evidence will come to light, strengthening our arguments’ validity.
==The Etymological Model==
==The Hebrew Root ''SHUBH''==
For more details see [[Teshuvah]].
Actually such an opinion, to which we subscribed without reserve in our previous study, could only be half a truth. There exists in fact the Hebrew root ''SHUBH ''which is very interesting for our purposes, even if nobody – as far as we know – ever recognised any inter-linguistic relation between it and the two Arabic roots which we are dealing with. W.L. Holladay, for example, when surveying in chapter I of his ''Theroot SHUBH in the Old Testament, ''various instances of ''the root in cognate languages'', records the verb ''tawaba ''which ''occurs in classical Arabic in a great variety of meanings, some of them paralleling Hebrew usage. According to Lane’s ''Lexicon ''<ref>E.W. LANE, ''An Arabic-English Lexicon'', repr. New-York 1955, I, 1, p.361 ff. </ref>the verb in the first form has the meaning ‘he returned to a place to which he had come before’, exactly the central meaning which we shall assign to ''shùbh''; then, after having remembered two further uses of the verb in the IV form (causative) and in the X form (reflexive), he reckons among the ''less assured proposals'' a Jacob Barth’s suggestion, according to which ''the adjectives ''sobhàbh'', ''sobhèbh ''‘disloyal, faithless’, and the noun ''meshùbhà ''‘faithlessness’, are to be distinguished from the Semitic root ''twb'', and to be rather connected with the Arabic root ''s’b''=''syb'', ‘free, untrammeled’ '' <ref>J. BARTH, ''Wurzeluntersuchungen zum Hebraischen und Aramaischen Lexicon'', Leipzig 1902, p.48 f.. </ref>.
Looking at the walls of the cellar, one soon notices, among the figures which Vibia meets in her journey after-death, two singular characters who cannot but attract our attention: Mercurius <ref>DIOGENES LAERTIUS, ''Vit. Phil. ''VIII, 1, § 31, reproducing a I century B.C.E. apocryphal work, informs us that Hermes escorts the souls after their separation from the body to the Most-High (''epì tònHypsiston''); cf. CUMONT, “ Hypsistos”, p.11 and n.1 as well as “Les Mystères de Sabazius”, p.74 and n.4, for the mythological figure of Hermes ''psychopompos''.</ref>, who escorts her to Pluto’s (''Dis Pater'') transmundane court of justice, and a Good Angel (''Angelus Bonus'') <ref>The mention of Angelus Bonus, whom CUMONT (“Hypsistos” p.4 and ns.6-7, p.5 and n.1, “Les Mystères de Sabazius”, p.72 f. and ns.1-4) thought to be an evident sign of the connection of these Roman findings with the Jewish religious culture, has been long discussed, starting with JAMAR’s criticism (“Les Mystères de Sabazius”, p.43 ff.): the bibliographical references quoted in the last notes allow the reader to acknowledge the main partakers of the scholarly debate.</ref>, who introduces her to seven ''happy'' guests (''bonorum iudicio iudicati'') taking part in a banquet <ref>For a quite clear reproduction of these paintings, see JOHNSON, “The Present State of Sabazios Research”, p.1605; for the text, see LANE, ''Corpus Cultus Iovis Sabazii'', II, p.31 f.; exaustive bibliography in M.J. VERMASEREN, ''De onderlinge betrekkingen tussen Mytras-Sabazius-Cybele'', in ''Academiae Analecta'', Bruxelles 1984, p.34 ff. About Angels’ cult, see however below, pp. 29-31.</ref>. Is it a simple coincidence to find here some traditional figures of an Hermetic environment such as Hermes/Mercurius and Agathodaimon/Angelus Bonus, which all textual sources universally point to as being the two greatest Harranian prophets? <ref>The Harrànians claimed that Hermes and Agathodaimon were not only their own prophets, but also their first masters in their quality of mediators between men and the Holy Heavenly Beings and, above all, God, the absolutely transcendental “God of the gods” (for which definition see below p. 34 and n. 304): for Medieval Muslim sources, see GREEN, ''The City of the Moon-God'', at the relative chapter; GUNDUZ, ''TheKnowledge of Life'', p.157 f. (al-Nadìm, al-Mas’ùdì, al-Bìrùnì, al-Baghdàdì, Ibn Hazm, al-Dimashqì, al- Shahrastànì, Bar-Hebraeus), where different transcriptions of the names (''‘Adìmùn, ‘Agàdhìmùn,‘Aghàthàdhìmùn, ''etc.; ''Harmis'', ''Harmas, Haràmasah ''etc.) are recorded. For the equation Hermes-‘Idrìs, which is a traditional identification thorough Islamic exegetical tradition (cf. ''Qur’àn ''19, 56-7; 21, 85), and the further equation ‘Idrìs-‘''Aknùkh/Khunùkh ''etc. (= Biblical Henokh/Enoch, according to AL-BIRUNI, ''Chronology''., p.188, or to AL-MAQDISI, ''Kitàb al-bad’ wa al-ta’rìkh'', Paris 1899-1903, ed. and FT by C. HUART, ''Le Livre de la Création et de l’Histoire'', III, Paris 1903, p.12: “… Idrìs is no other than Enoch … He was the first prophet who received a mission after Adam ... He is the first who traced characters by means of pen … His name among the Greeks is Hermes” [we quote from W. SCOTT, ''Hermetica'', IV, Oxford 1936, p.252]), see M. PLESSNER, art. “Hirmis”, ''EI2 ''III, pp.479-81, or for example Y. MARQUET, “Sabéens et Ikhwàn al-Safà’”, ''SI ''24 (1966), p.36 and n.3, and p.56 ff.; for Agathodaimon, M. PLESSNER, art. “Agathùdhìmùn”, ''EI''2 I, p.244-5, whereas the identification with Adam’s son Seth (''Shìth'') is quite late, because it seems to have been firstly proposed only in the VI H./XII c. by AL-SHAHRASTANI, ''Milal'', GT by T. HAARBRUCKER, ''Religionspartheien und Philosophen-Schulen'', Halle 1851, II, p.3 (and then by ALDIMASHQÌ, ''Nukhbat al-dahr'', FT M.A.F. MEHREN, ''Manuel de la Cosmographie du Moyen Age'', Copenhague 1874, p. 46 f.; ABÙ AL-FIDÀ’, ''Al-mukhtasar fì akhbàr al-bashar'', ed. H: FLEISCHER, Vogel 1831, pp.14, 148; BAR HEBRAEUS, Ta’rìkh ''mukhtasar al-duwal'', ed. A. SALHANI, Beirut 1890, p.12); cf. G. MONNOT, “Sabéens et Idolàtres selon ‘Abd al-Jabbàr”, ''MIDEO ''12 (1974), p.30; R. REITZENSTEIN, ''Poimandres'', Leipzig 1904, p.170 ff.; but above all H. CORBIN, “Rituel Sabéen et Exegèse Ismaélienne du Rituel”, ''Eranos Jahrbuch ''19 (1950), pp.181-246, who does not waver in connecting such a phenomenon to Ismailism and to Ismailian Historiosophy.</ref>
But, provided that our basic hypotheisis is correct, we have more. The words composing Vincentius’ epitaph again attract our attention, since they are: ''Numinisantistes Sabazis Vincentius hic est qui sacra sancta Deum mente pia coluit''. Well, if the last words have a technical sense, if, consequently, the sentence ''colere Deummente pia ''defines a special class of believers, namely people close to a Monotheistic religious view as the equivalent Greek expressions ''sèbein/sèbesthai tòn theòn ''clearly do, and if, finally, the central meaning of Arabic ''Sàbi’ùn ''is precisely ''mid-Converts'' <ref>Obviously we use the expression in a non-technical sense, having already signalized its inaccuracy above, n.116. It is worth noticing the equation ''Sàbi’ ''– “Convert” proposed by De BLOIS, “Sabians in Arabia”, p.52, even if we cannot agree with him for the further identification ''Sàbi’ ''– “Manichaean”“[[Manichean]]”, nor, of course, with M. GIL who tries to prove the truthfulness of this relation in his study “The Creed of Abù ‘Amir”, ''IOS ''12 (1992), pp.9-57.</ref>, or rather ''people turning themselves towards the ''Theos Hypsistos’ ''cult'', because of the heavy, massive influence of the semantic bulk carried on by such Greek verbs and by the parallel Greek nouns (''sebòmenos/oi tòn theòn'', ''theosebès/èis'': we leave aside the corresponding Latin ones), we have found here a significant set of religious connections with Harràn and the Harrànian Sabians which, we believe, deserves further investigation.
==Tertium Genus==
Well, we perceived that a similar version of the facts suddenly opened a window on the truth: what more could one desire than this? It was the extremely plain description of the phenomenon of Proselytism in relation to the Jewish people <ref> The ''LXX ''normally traslate the Hebrew ''ger ''with ''prosèlytos'', even if often we have to do only with resident aliens, namely with stangers living in Palestine but not converted to Judaism (cf. for example the expression ''ha-ger ‘asèr yagur be-ysra’èl ''[''Ex''. 14, 7] which is rendered with ''oi proselyteuòntes en tò Israèl,'' “whoever among the strangers dwells in Israel”. In the course of centuries, though, the original connotation of the word took a socio-religious tract that will become the final meaning of the term (cf. the references quoted above n.60). It is worth noting the Greek transcription ''geìoras ''of the aramaean ''giyyorà ''(''Ex''. 12, 19; ''Is ''14, 1; but see also PHILO, ''Conf. ling''., 82; JUSTINUS, ''Dial''. 122, 1[''geòras ''beside ''prosèlytos'']; JULIUS AFRICANUS, ''Ep. ad Arist''., 5, in EUSEBIUS, ''Hist. Eccl''., I, 7, 13 [''geiòra''i = ''prosèlytoi'']), though, unfortunately, nothing similar happened in the Arab or Syriac versions of the ''Acts ''in relation to the word ''sebòmenos''/''o''i (''tòn theòn''): the ''Peshitta ''uses in fact in this case the participial form of the root ''DHL'', while Arabic uses the participle of the verbs ''‘abada ''and ''tawaqqa ''or ''ittaqa ''(''khàfa ''for ''oi phoboùmenoi''/ “fearers”). 194 bis) For the origins and the historical developments of Jewish Proselytism, an excellent but quite up-todate bibliography is contained in the already quoted art. “Proselyte, Proselytisme”, ''DB'', Suppl. VIII, cols.1353-6 (A. PAUL); see therefore also the bibliographical references quoted above n.60. It is to be stressed the semantic correspondence between the Greek verb ''prosèrkhomai'', “to go towards, to lean, etc.”, and the above observed semantic nuance of the Arabic verbs ''saba’a''/''sabà ''(p.8 f. and notes). Though noticing that “''Sàbi’ ''… came to serve as one of the several designations for ‘proselyte’ “, BUCK, “The Identity of the Sàbi’ùn”, p.173 – as well J. WANSBROUGH, ''The Sectarian Milieu: Content and Composition in IslamicSalvation History'', London 1978, p.102 – does not arrive to the same unavoidable conclusion of ours; but see also below n.197, for the meaning ''prosèlytos ''= “convert to Christianity” or more in general “a person approaching anything new”. For Abraham as a prototype of proselytes, see W. BOUSSET - H. GREESMANN, ''Die Religion des Judentums in spathellenistilichen Zeitalter'', Tubingen 19263, p.186; or also SIMON, ''Verus Israel'', p.205 n.5; actually Abraham, as well as Job, continues to be remembered as preeminently “God-fearing” (Abraham: ''4 Macc. ''15, 28; ''TNaph. ''1, 10; Anon. in EUSEBIUS, ''Praep. Ev''., ix, 17, 3; in ''Genes., ''22, 12, he is not “God-fearing”, but one who “fears God”; Job: Ps. ARISTEAS in EUSEBIUS, ''Praep. Ev''., ix, 25, 4). For the parallel between Job and Abraham, see also ''b. Sotah, ''31a, cited by WILCOX, “The ‘Godfearers’ in Acts”, p.106, who argues that Luke is putting Cornelius, like Simeon and Lydia, within this tradition. For Proselytes, see finally NOCK, ''Conversion'', p.61 f. and p.109.</ref>, of its first chronological manifestation … <ref>194 bis</ref>; or rather it was in this sense that we were tempted to interpret the excerpt: it seemed in fact to confirm on the whole our hypothesis about the equation Sabians–God-Fearers, by laying the foundation stone of the theoretical building. Though pointing to the same direction, however, the ''Chronology''’s text says literally something slightly different, but in order to understand what such a thing would be we have to look at al-Bìrùnì’s complementary definition of the Sabians which we started from, the one contained in his ''Kitàb altafhìm'', the ''Book of Initiation in the Elements of the Art of Astrology''.
Here, in the relevant section dealing with the ''Horoscope of Religions'' <ref>Cf. p.253 of the ET by R.R. WRIGHT, London 1934, who also provided the edition of the text. Here, not only a mutual relation Planets-Religions is drawn, each Religion being put in correspondence in its turn also with a single People. The “Horoscope of Religions” theme probably appears for the first time into a similar form in ABU MA’SHAR, ''Kitàb al-milal wa-l-duwal'', ed. and ET by K. YAMAMOTO - C. BURNETT, ''Abù Ma’shar, on Historical Astrology'', 2 Vols., Leiden–Boston–Koln 2000 (the first vol. contains the Arabic text and the ET; the second one the medieval LT by IOHANNES HISPANUS [''DeMagnis Conjunctionibus''], Glossaries and Indexes), whose close relationship with AL-KINDÌ (cf. O. LOTH, “Al-Kindì als Astrolog”, ''Morgenlandische Forschungen. Festschrift H.L. Fleischer'', Leipzig 1875, pp.263- 309), and consequently with Sabian-Harrànian milieu, is very well-known. This circumstance might have given rise to an unusual link of the word ''Hanpè/Hanìf ''which can be found in the 2nd Treatise, ''Differentia ''viii, of ''De Magnis Conjunctionibus'', where one reads: ''dixerunt quia Saturnus habuit significationem super ''hamf''ì'' (f. C viii r.). A marginal gloss of the Code Ms. Vaticanus Reginensis Latinus 1285 containing this work (folios 43r.– 99v.: the gloss in question is in folio 58r. l.29) – written by the same IOANNIS HISPANUS according to R. LEMAY, ''Abù Ma’shar and Latin Aristotelianism in the Twelfth Century'', Beirut 1962, p.14 n.4 - comments the expression as it follows: ''Super legem illorum a quibus Mauri ducunt legem suam, id estab illis qui fuerunt ''ab Abraam ''usque ad Moysen ex parte Ysmaelis, ''i.e. ''super legem Ismaelitarum''. A theoretical connection with Ismael’s progeny, namely more in general with ''Hunafà’''/Gentiles, doubles therefore the other one previously acknowledged (1st Treatise, ''Diff. ''iv, f. A vii r.; Vat. Reg. Lat. 1285, f. 46 v. a) Saturn-Judaism. In fact “Abraham through Ishmael was the progenitor of the Arabs. He therefore must have been the founder of the religion of the ''Hunafà’''” (R. BELL, “Who were the Hanìfs?”, ''MW ''20 [1930], p.124). In reality, there was a mistake, because the original text – according to the new edition of YAMAMOTO-BURNETT – displays the word ''khalifà’''/”caliphs” (Vol. I, p.152 l.8, ET p.153): but what might have given origin to the misunderstanding of the medieval translator, who exchanged a common term such as “caliphs” with a problematic one ? We reproduce here a skech-map of the main medieval sources treating the problem of the cosmic corrispondences Planets – Religions, since the end of the IX century (Abù Ma’shar/Al-Kindì) till up the XIII century (Roger Bacon): Placet Abù Ma’shar (Al-Kindì) De Planetarum patrocinniis (''CCAG ''VII) Al-Bìrùnì Gàyat al-Hakìm, III,1 Gàyat al- Hakìm, III,7 Roger Bacon Saturn Judaism Judaism Judaism (Judaism) Judaism Judaism Jupiter Faiths Christianity Christianity Christianity Christianity Faiths Mars Paganism Idolatry Idolatry Idolatry Idolatry Caldaean Religion Sun Idolatry Religion of the Magianism Mazdaeism Persian Aegyptian Fire .Brahamanism. Cult of Pneumatic Spirits Religion Religion. Cult of the Heavenly Army Venus Islam Islam Islam Islam Islam Mercury Christianity Judaism. Debate about Dogmatism [Heterodoxy] Heterodoxy Heterodoxy (Zindìk) Religion of Wise men. Heresy Christianity Moon Doubt, Development, Change and Desertion from one’s Faith Religion of the Greeks (Revelation of the Mysteries) Adherents of the prevailing Religion [Sabianism] Sabianism Revelation Religion of the Children and of the Youths [Harrànian Sabianism] Sect of the Antichrist (Bibliographical refernces: ABU MA’SHAR, op. cit., I, p.44 f.; ''CCAG'', VII, p.95 ff.; AL-BIRUNI, ''Kitàbal-tafhìm ''(''Book of Initiation in the Elements of the Art of Astrology''), p.253; ''Gàyat al-hakìm ''(ref. below n.296), p.156 ff., and p.206 ff.; ROGER BACON, op. cit. (above n.161), p.253 ff.). The relation Moon- Sabians does not deserve any comment, if one keeps in mind the role of Harràn as cultic capital of the Sumero-Babylonian Moon-God ''Sìn'': by this point of view, it is not too hazardous to suppose that the expression “the Religion of ''the Children and of the Youths''”, explicitly connected by the ''Gàya ''with Sabianism, may be a textual error: the writing of the Arabic words ''al-sabìàn wa- l-ahdàth'', in fact, is indeed very similar to the expression “the Sabians of Harràn” (''al-sàbiya bi-l-Harràn'') so that the former graphic sequence may easily changed with the latter. On the other hand, how can one explain the presence of such subjects as “the children and the youths” in this context ? </ref>, where the seven planets are put in correspondence with just as many universal religions, one finds the Moon - namely the lowest of the seven heavenly bodies, naturally associated with Harràn because of the Sumero-Babylonian cult of the Moon-God ''Sìn'' whose worship was still alive in this ancient city, proud of its religious traditions, during the Muslim Middle Ages <ref>Cf. above p.2 and n.15; below p.33 and ns. 291-2.</ref>– placed in parallel with the Sabians, just as one might have expected. But really surprising is the formula by which al-Bìrùnì delimits Sabianism, since Sabians become now the ''Adherents of the Prevailing Religion'' (''alladhìna bi-dìn kulli gàlibin'') <ref>AL-BIRUNI, ''Kitàb al-tafhìm'', p.253.</ref>. Perfectly fitting! Impeccable! It is impossible to define in a better way the idea of what has been called, to use a infelicitous expression indeed, ''mid-Conversion'' <ref>Cf. above n.116; p.18 and n.149. The circumstance that God-Fearers in certain Diaspora communities attended at synagoge’s assemblies “nicht als ‘Anhange’, sondern als - gegenuber Juden und Proselyten freilich ungleichwartige - Bestandteile der judischen Gemeinden” (BELLEN, “''Synagogé tès Ioudaìon kaìTheosebòn''”, p.172), makes SIMON think that “das stunde ziemlich in Analogie zu den Katechumenen der Alten Kirche, nur mit dem Unterschied dass der Katechumenat ein vorlaufiger Stand ist, wahrend bestimmte, ja sogar der Grossteil der ''sebòmenoi ''ihren Status das ganze Leben behalten” (art. “Gottesfurchtiger”, col.1068). It is interesting to notice a gloss to the word “Sabian” found in one Ms. of a summarized version of TABARÌ’s ''Tafsìr ''(''Tarjama i tafsìr i Tabarì'', ed. H. Yaghmàì, IV, p.1054) by De BLOIS, “Sabians in Arabia”, p.52 n.52, according to which ''Sàbi’ùn ''= ''[[Nighòshagàn]]'', ''i.e. ''a Persian word usually employed for denoting “Manichaean hearers” (it is well-known that Manichaeans divided the believers into a number of grades, the “hearers” being separated from “initiates” and having consequently a role similar to Christian ''katekhoùmenoi''), even if obviously we disagree with the French scholar’s opinion about the identity Sabians- Manichaeans; this fact does not mean, however, that the term ''Sàbi’ùn ''could not sometimes have included ''also ''Manichaean groups in Central Arabia and in the neighbouring regions. For the Christianizing of the term ''prosèlytos ''see P.B. BAGATTI, ''The Church from Circumcision. History and Archaeology of Judaeo-Christians'', ET by E. HOACLE, Jerusalem 1971, pp.237-39, and also (with J.T. MILIK) ''Gli scavi del'' Dominus Flevit ''(Monte Oliveto – Gerusalemme)'', I, Jerusalem 1958, p.21: the author supposes that the Judaeo-Christians had an institution called “Proselitate”, similar to a “Catechumenate”, but his hypothesis is considered quite hazardous. In ''The Church from Circumcision'', p.210 figs. 13, 17 and 13, 20, Bagatti also records, in a funerary context, the symbol ''S B + ''which he reads in the same way tentatively proposed by Du MESNIL Du BOISSON, ''MUSJ ''1959, namely that it “se lit vraiseblament ''S(otèr) B(oethòs) + (= Khristòs)''” (p.39, cf. p.42 no.138), who reproduced in addition the sequences, in Greek letters, ''Z a b ''(“au dessous, une palme dressée”) (p.16 no.34), and ''Z b E ''(p.31 no.104), which evidently contradict a similar possibility.</ref>. A general but not generic formula, where among many other things one recognizes also the devotional position of the four ''Hunafà’ ''whom we have met above: to make Conversion a well-identified phenomenon, one needs not only a private spiritual feeling enlarged to massive dimensions, but also a dominant religion, namely a cult able to have a prevalent position over the others. In any case, that was how the process developed in the course of history: only when a single religion, Christianity, became the official Religion of the Roman Empire, in fact, did Conversion begin to be acknowledged as a clear, unquestionable fact, representing a social and religious reality that people could eventually conceive without difficulties and therefore express without linguistic ambiguities.
==Hypsistarii, Sebòmenoi/Phoboùmenoi (tòn Theòn), etc==
Hypsistarii, Sebòmenoi/Phoboùmenoi (tòn Theòn), Theosebeìs, Massaliani,Euphemitai, Caelicolae, Hunafà. ''Adherents of the Prevailing Religion'': let us pay attention to the first term. ''Adherents'' simply means ''Symphatizers'' <ref>Cf above p.15 and ns.70-1 for a subtle theoretical distinction between these terms.</ref>, ''Close to'', ''To get ready for'', it does not mean ''Full Converts'', which is exactly the case of the God-Fearers. Probably al- Bìrùnì should have added to the last words of his definition the attribute ''Monotheistic'', since we always have to do with people who made the fundamental step to turn themselves to the faith in One Most-High God, in One Supreme Deity <ref>As we have said (above p.1 and n.2), that is the sense by which we assume the expression following MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, p.119.</ref> in reference to whom the other lesser deities play often the role of heavenly messengers, of angels, as the Oracle from Oenoanda – that is from the Northern Lycian site where one of the rare ''Hypsistarii''’s cult-places has been found – explicitly states by Apollo’s mouth: ''Born of itself, untaught, without a mother, unshakeable, not contained in a name, known by many names, dwelling in fire, this is God. We, his angels, are a small part of God'' <ref>The Oracle was firstly published by G.E. BEAN, ''Journey in Northern Lycia 1965-67'', D. Ak. Wien Phil.-Hist. Klasse 104 (1971), pp.20-2 no.37; see the fine commentary by L. ROBERT, “Un Oracle Gravé à Oenoanda”, in ''Opera Minora Selecta'', V, Amsterdam 1972, pp.617-39 (previously published in ''CRAI ''1971); for a discussion about the Oracle here quoted, whose first three lines are also reproduced into the so-called ''Theosophy of Tubingen ''(late V c. C.E.) as well as into LACTANTIUS’ ''Divinae Institutiones ''(1, 7), see MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, p.86 ff., where also the original Greek text and its translation are given. </ref>. But it is true, also, that after the final victory of Christianity God-Fearers’ communities – whose names historically range from ''Hypsistarii'', ''Hypsistariani'', to ''Theosebèis'', ''Sebòmenoi tòn Theòn'', ''Caelicolae ''etc. - but also the lonely individuals seeking after God known by the name ''Hunafà’ ''in the Near Eastern desert regions felt the attraction of Christianity by often achieving their spiritual way through a full Conversion to the Cross, while in previous times they were gravitating around the prevalent Monotheistic groups settled throughout the geographical areas where they lived, which as a rule were Jewish ones.
Al-Bìrùnì’s first-quoted text also turns the reader’s thought to the Jewish context, even if the Persian writer seems to believe that the Jewish presence along the Euphrates and Tigris valley is connected to a religious reality that will come along after several centuries, namely the migration from Palestine into Southern Mesopotamia of some Hemerobaptist sects as Elkesaits and Mandaeans <ref>The migration of these sects from Palestine has been often put in doubt: see for example E. PETERSON, “Urchristentum und Mandaismus (Nachtrag)”, ''ZNW ''27 (1928), pp.91-98. We wish to recall here that CHWOLSON’s identification (cf. ''Die Ssabier''’s Index, s.vs.) of the religious group called by al- NADIM, ''Fihrist'', ET p.811, the ''[[Mughtasila ]]''(“Those who wash themselves”), or ''[[Sàbat al-batà’ih]]'', with the [[Elkesaites ]] and the Mandaeans is valid only for the former group, as the discovery of the so-called ''Mani-Codex ''has demonstrated once for all: ''Der Kolner Mani-Kodex … ''kritische Edition … herausgegeben und ubersetz von Ludwig LOENEN und Cornelia ROMER, ''Papyrologica coloniensia ''14, Opladen 1988. </ref>. But if one interprets the information by means of al-Bìrùnì’s second excerpt, one sees rather the real influence that Zoroastrianism had on Hebraic religion, because it was precisely during the ''Babylonian captivity'' that some typical features of Hebraism such as the juxtaposition Good-Evil and God-Satan or concepts such as the Last Judgement and the Resurrection of the Dead came into being <ref>On the Jews in Babylonia, also during the Persian period, see the up-to-date bibliography in SCHURER-VERMES-MILLAR-GOODMAN, ''The History of the Jewish People'', III, § 31 ns.11 ff. </ref>. To sum up, we have supposed that al-Bìrùnì’s first text was only to be connected with such a historical phenomenon; on the other hand, it had relations with the historical rising of Jewish Proselytism, and reminded for example a well-known textual passage by Josephus mentioning the transfer of the Jews from Babylon to Asia Minor by Antiochus III at the end of the III century B.C.E. <ref>Antiochus settled two thousand Jewish families in Lydia and Phrygia: granting them the right to follow their own laws and other privileges. JOSEPHUS, ''Ant. Jud''., 12, 149-50, quotes the relevant passages of the letter of the king to his governor Zeuxix: for the authenticity of this document, see the discussion in SCHURER-VERMES-MILLAR-GOODMAN, ''The History of the Jewish People'', III, 1, p.17 n.33; TREBILCO, ''Jewish Communities'', p. 5 ff. </ref>: it was from this original bulk that many well-organized Jewish communities spread throughout Asia Minor and elsewhere, exerting a strong spiritual attraction on the surrounding Gentile milieu, as archaeological findings have proved with certainty. In Afrodisia <ref>We limit ourselves to quote again TREBILBO’s book, where large space is reserved to the most important Jewish communities in Asia Minor (Sardi, Priene, Acmonia, Apamea), with exaustive bibliography. </ref>, in particular, Gentiles’ involvement in the local synagogue appears to have been really massive, since more than half of the people attending the cult-place were Gentiles whose status range across the entire social spectrum, from the highest civic positions and liberal professions to craftsmen and simple workers <ref>See REYNOLD-TANNEMBAUM, ''Jews and God-Fearers'', pp.116-23, for a detailed analysis of “the trade designations” in Aphrodisia’s inscription. </ref>: it is worth noting, once again, that such people were not fullconverts, but plain ''theosebeìs'', God-Fearers, whereas only three individuals are recorded in the engraved inscription mentioning the donors’ names of the beneficent institution which they contribute to as ''proselytoi ''<ref>REYNOLDS-TANNEMBAUM, op. cit.: for the mention of ''prosèlytos ''see p.5, face A, ll.13, 17, 22 (“The important fact that 3 persons are explicitly called proselytes … in a period in which Jewish proselytism was forbidden by imperial decree, is a strong testimony of the powerful influence of the Jewish community of Aphrodisia”: P. W. Van der HORST, ''Essays on the Jewish World of Early Christianity'', p.171 [from the study “Jews and Christians in Aphrodisia in the Light of Their Relations in Other Cities of Asia Minor” contained in the same volume, pp.166-81, and firstly published in ''NedTTs ''43 (1989) pp.106-21]): Commentary pp.43-48, where also the problem of the imperial legislation is treated. </ref>, namely people legally converted to Judaism <ref>Cf. the previous note, and above p.12 and ns. 90-92. </ref>. Probably the Roman laws prohibiting circumcision and conversion to Judaism since Hadrian’s times played a significant role in such a meagre number of persons claiming explicitly that ''passing of the boundary'' which Juvenal so greatly feared and bitterly mocked: here, in fact, most of the no-Jews prefer to remain in the more neutral religious position of Juvenal’s ''pater metuens sabbata'', worshipping ''nubes et caeli numen ''and abstaining from ''carne suillam ''rather than that of the son who decides to make the last step and thus ''mox et praeputia ponit ''without any reserve <ref>Cf. above p.14 and n.113. </ref>.
Beyond such vague elements, we know very little about the God-Fearers’ cultic practices. From Oenoanda’s text one learns that sometimes their cult had solar features, because of the Oracle’s prescription to the faithful to pray in direction of the rising sun, namely facing east, gazing up at heaven and offering prayers to the allseeing Aether <ref>See the last two lines of the Oracle (refs. above n.201). The adjective ''epòptes'', “all-seeing”, is usually attributed to Helios (cf. S. MITCHELL, ''Anatolia: Land, Men and Gods in Asia Minor'', II, Oxford 1993, p.47), even if it is also applied to ''Theòs Hypsistos ''in a dedicatory formula from an Alexandria’s inscription virtually conflating the Highest god and the Sun god, or in another one from a Pergamum altar completely associating both divinities (dedication to ''Helios Theos Hypsistos''): texts in MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, nos. 284 and 186. </ref>. A tendency to solar Monotheism comes also out from J. Ustinova’s speculations about the Iranian background of the religious position of the ''thiasoi'', the cultic associations – called ''eispoietoì adelphoì sebòmenoi theòn hypsiston'', but also ''synodos ''of ''thiaseitai ''or ''thiasòtai ''– worshipping ''Theòs Hypsistos ''in Tanais and in several other Greek colonies on the Northern shore of the Black Sea in the first half of the II c. C.E. <ref>Being collected within ''Corpus Inscriptionum Regni Bosporani ''(''CIRB''), eds. V.V. STRUVE ''et alii'', Moskow-Leningrad 1965, and firstly published by V.V. LATYSHEV in Russian, these inscriptions – as it is well-known – represent the key-stone of the old and influential study of E. SCHURER, “Die Juden im Bosporanische Reiche und die Genossenschaften der ''sebòmenoi theòn hypsiston ''ebendaselbest”, ''Sitzungberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften'', I, 1897, pp.220-5, but above all of the already quoted “Les Mystères de Sabazius et le Judaisme” of CUMONT, who pointed out to the syncretistic features of these religious communities and whose conclusions had been accepted and discussed by many scholars after him: E.R. GOODENOUGH, “The Bosporus Inscriptions to the Most High God”, ''JQR ''47 (1956-7), pp.1-44; B. LIFSHITZ, “Le Culte du Dieu Très Haut à Gorgippia”, ''RFIC ''92 (1964), pp.157-61; M. TATCHEVA HITOVA “On the Cult of Theòs Hypsistos on the Bosporus” (in Russian), ''VDI ''1 (1978), pp.133-42 (cf. ''SEG ''28 [1978], p.1648); MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, pp.133-5 (nos.83- 104), are only few examples. A good edition and translation of the texts can be found in LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting ''(Appendix 3), pp.226-46. </ref>, though we reject her general conclusions <ref>J. USTINOVA, “The Thiasoi of Theos Hypsistos in Tanais”, ''HR'', 31 (1991), pp.150-80 (cf. ''SEG ''42 [1992], p.726); Eadem, ''The Supreme Gods of the Bosporan Kingdom'', p.183 ff. (“Cult Associations on the Bosporus”). For a widespread tendency to solar Monotheism in Late Antiquity, the classical study of F. CUMONT, ''La Theologie Solaire du Paganisme Romain'', Paris 1909, is still to be considered a reference mark. For the solar character of the Harrànian popular religion, see TUBACH, ''Im Schatten des Sonnengottes'', ''passim''. </ref>. We should not dwell here on the connection established by E. Schurer more than one century ago between these groups of Monotheistic or quasi-Monotheistic believers and the ''metuentes'' attested by epigraphic and literal evidence in the Latin West <ref>''CIJ'', I, 2, nos. 5, 285, 524, 529, 642; (M. STERN, ''GLAJJ ''II, p.105, thought that ''metuens ''could be only an abridgment of the fuller formula ''deum metuens ''and hence was definitely used technically: “It is hard to conceive that either ''metuens ''or ''sebòmenos ''is used in the general sense of ‘religious’ ”). The participles ''metuens ''and ''timens ''can also be found in Christian inscriptions (E. DIEHL, ''ILCV'', Berlin 1961, nos. 3359a, 3416a, 4779, 6 [''metuens''], 1339-41, 1172 [''timens'']): in both cases, however, the formula would actually refer to God.fearers. For a Latin transcription of the Greek ''theosebès ''into Latin letters, cf. J.B. FREY, ''CIJ'', I, 2, Città del Vaticano 1936, no.228 (= D. NOY, ''JIWE'', II, no.207, Rome: Eparchia ''theosebes''; but cf. FELDMAN, “Jewish ‘Sympathizers’ in Classical Literature and Inscriptions”, p.204 n.24: “Frey, who is very eager to find ‘sympathizers’ in his inscriptions, is wrong in not recognizing a possible one here”), and ''CIJ ''I, 2, LIFSHITZ, ''Prolegomenon ''no.619a (= ''JIWE'', I, no.113, Venosa: Marcus ''teuseves''; cf. B. LIFSHITZ, “Les Juifs à Venosa”, ''RFIC'', 90 [N.S. 40] [1962], pp.367-71). For a discussion, besides ROMANIUK, “Die ‘Gottesfurchtigen’ im Neuen Testament”, ''passim'', and LAKE, “Proselytes and God-Fearers”, ''BC'', ''passim'', see LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting'', pp.68-70. The references to ''metuen(te)s ''are collected by SCHURER-VERMES-MILLAR-GOODMAN, ''The History of the Jewish People'', III, 1, p.168 n.74. For literary evidence, see below n.217. The term ''Theosebés ''is an equivalent of ''Sebòmenos ''(''tòn theòn''): normally in inscriptions the former is preferred because of its shorter form. </ref>, but above all with the ''sebòmenoi ''(''tòn theòn''), the ''phoboùmenoi ''(''tòn theòn''), the ''Hellenes ''whom Saint Paul regularly meets in the course of his indefatigable mission <ref>God-Fearers in ''Acts. ''Chap. x: description of a model God-Fearer, ''i.e. ''the centurion Cornelius denoted as ''eusebès kaì phoboùmenos tòn theòn ''expressing his piety by means of almsgiving and costant praying (x, 2) and enjoing a good reputation among Jews (x, 22). It is worth noting with PINES, “The Iranian Name for Christians and God-Fearers”, p.147, as “according to the Acts of the Apostles, the first Gentile converted to Christianity was one of the God-fearers”. Cornelius’ episode is the turning point of the book: from here, ''Acts'' is the history of this mission. xiii, 16 (''phoboùmenoi tòn theòn''); 43 (''sebòmenoi prosèlytoi''): the passage has been long discussed, because of its apparent self-contradiction, the words used here by Luke denoting two different classes of believers. Generally two solutions to the problem have been proposed: the first one is that ''prosèlytoi ''is a wrong word, namely an ancient gloss or “a careless expression” (KUHN-STEGEMANN, ''RE'', Suppl. IX, col.1253; KUHN, ''TWNT'', VI [1968], p.743; E. HAENCHEN, ''Die Apostelgeschichte'', in ''KritischeexegetischeKommentar uber das Neue Testament'', III, Gottingen 1959, p.355 n.5 [ET, Oxford 1971, p.413 n.5]; ROMANIUK, loc. cit., p.81; LIFSHITZ, “Du Nouveau sur les Sympathisants”, p.80; H. CONZELMANN, ''Acts of the Apostles'', Philadelphia 1987, p.106); the second coincides with the position of the scholars who reject any technical sense of the word ''sebòmenoi ''(FOAKES-JACKSON, ''BC'', V, p.88; WILCOX, “The ‘God-Fearers’ in Acts: A Reconsideration”, p.181 f.). But particularly worth of interest is a third possibility, namely the suggestion of LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting'', p.47, who argues “that ''prosèlytos ''is used here in the same manner as in Mattew in a basic ‘verbal’ sense of ‘coming to any-thing new’”: she had in fact checked a semantic value of the term/verb ''prosèlytos''/''prosèrkhetai ''present in some Christian texts such as the ''Homiliae ''of ASTERIUS OF AMASEA, the ''Praescriptio ''of MARIA OF CASSOBELA, and a passage of CLEMENS OF ALEXANDRIA, where “alongside the traditional meaning there began to develop another one, namely ‘a convert to Christianity’ ”, hence the more general “idea of approaching anything new”, by which interpretation obviously all contradictions cease to exist); 50; xvi, 14; xvii, 4, 17; xvii, 17; xviii, 6-7 (''sebòmenoi ''[''tòn theòn''] and ''sebòmenoi Hèllenes'': the abridged formula ''oisebòmenoi ''could also be explained by the commandment of not naming in vain God: cf. J. KLAUSNER, ''Von Jesus zu Paulus'', Jerusalem-Amsterdam 1950, p.55; LIFSHITZ, ''ibidem''). We should add to these items three passages mentioning “Greeks” (xiv, 1, xviii, 4 and xix, 10: ''Ioudaìous kaì Hellenas''), whose identity is certainly not different from the ''sebomènon Hellènon ''previously mentioned in xvii, 4 (cf. REYNOLDSTANNEMBAUM, ''Jews and God-Fearers'', p.51). For other direct or indirect Greek literary references to God-Fearers (Epictetus, Filo, Josephus), see BERTRAM, art. “Theosebès”, ''TWNT ''III, p.123 ff.; COHEN, “Respect for Judaism by Gentiles According to Josephus”, pp.416-9 (who counts as many as five instances in ''AJ'': 3, 217; 3, 318-9; 20, 34; 20, 41; 20, 195; and four in ''BJ'': 2, 454; 2, 463; 2, 560; 7, 45); MARCUS, “The ''Sebòmenoi ''in Josephus”, pp.247-50. Talmudic references to ''yere’i ash-shamayyim ''(“Heaven Fearers”, where “Heaven” is the traditional metonymy for God) are collected and discussed by I. LEVY, “Le Proselytisme Juif”, ''REJ ''50 (1905), pp.1-9; 51 (1906), pp.29-31; and by SIEGERT, “Gottesfurchtiger”, pp.110-27; add REYNOLDS-TANNEMBAUM, op. cit., p.48 f. and notes; FELDMAN, “Jewish Sympathizers”, p.207 f.; and the lemma ''jàre’'', ''TWAT'', s.v</ref>in the synagogues of Asia Minor and Greece where he preaches the evangelical message (but in other meetingplaces also, mostly after Paul’s last theological break with the Jews <ref>EPIPHANIUS, ''Panarion'', 80, 1-2, compares Messalians’ places of prayer with extra-mural Jewish sanctuaries, like the cultic place outside the city walls where Paul met the God-fearing Lydia, or another one built by the Samaritans in the shape of an open-air theatre, adding that they also used buildings similar to churches: cf. below p.26.</ref>: ''Thus I shall go to Gentiles'') <ref>''Acts'', xviii, 6.</ref>, and who consequently appear to be the original bulk of the emerging Christianity according to Luke’s ''Acts''.Beyond such vague elements, we know very little about the God-Fearers’ cultic practices. From Oenoanda’s text one learns that sometimes their cult had solar features, because of the Oracle’s prescription to the faithful to pray in direction of the rising sun, namely facing east, gazing up at heaven and offering prayers to the allseeing Aether <ref>See the last two lines of the Oracle (refs. above n.201). The adjective ''epòptes'', “all-seeing”, is usually attributed to Helios (cf. S. MITCHELL, ''Anatolia: Land, Men and Gods in Asia Minor'', II, Oxford 1993, p.47), even if it is also applied to ''Theòs Hypsistos ''in a dedicatory formula from an Alexandria’s inscription virtually conflating the Highest god and the Sun god, or in another one from a Pergamum altar completely associating both divinities (dedication to ''Helios Theos Hypsistos''): texts in MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, nos. 284 and 186. </ref>. A tendency to solar Monotheism comes also out from J. Ustinova’s speculations about the Iranian background of the religious position of the ''thiasoi'', the cultic associations – called ''eispoietoì adelphoì sebòmenoi theòn hypsiston'', but also ''synodos ''of ''thiaseitai ''or ''thiasòtai ''– worshipping ''Theòs Hypsistos ''in Tanais and in several other Greek colonies on the Northern shore of the Black Sea in the first half of the II c. C.E. <ref>Being collected within ''Corpus Inscriptionum Regni Bosporani ''(''CIRB''), eds. V.V. STRUVE ''et alii'', Moskow-Leningrad 1965, and firstly published by V.V. LATYSHEV in Russian, these inscriptions – as it is well-known – represent the key-stone of the old and influential study of E. SCHURER, “Die Juden im Bosporanische Reiche und die Genossenschaften der ''sebòmenoi theòn hypsiston ''ebendaselbest”, ''Sitzungberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften'', I, 1897, pp.220-5, but above all of the already quoted “Les Mystères de Sabazius et le Judaisme” of CUMONT, who pointed out to the syncretistic features of these religious communities and whose conclusions had been accepted and discussed by many scholars after him: E.R. GOODENOUGH, “The Bosporus Inscriptions to the Most High God”, ''JQR ''47 (1956-7), pp.1-44; B. LIFSHITZ, “Le Culte du Dieu Très Haut à Gorgippia”, ''RFIC ''92 (1964), pp.157-61; M. TATCHEVA HITOVA “On the Cult of Theòs Hypsistos on the Bosporus” (in Russian), ''VDI ''1 (1978), pp.133-42 (cf. ''SEG ''28 [1978], p.1648); MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, pp.133-5 (nos.83- 104), are only few examples. A good edition and translation of the texts can be found in LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting ''(Appendix 3), pp.226-46. </ref>, though we reject her general conclusions <ref>J. USTINOVA, “The Thiasoi of Theos Hypsistos in Tanais”, ''HR'', 31 (1991), pp.150-80 (cf. ''SEG ''42 [1992], p.726); Eadem, ''The Supreme Gods of the Bosporan Kingdom'', p.183 ff. (“Cult Associations on the Bosporus”). For a widespread tendency to solar Monotheism in Late Antiquity, the classical study of F. CUMONT, ''La Theologie Solaire du Paganisme Romain'', Paris 1909, is still to be considered a reference mark. For the solar character of the Harrànian popular religion, see TUBACH, ''Im Schatten des Sonnengottes'', ''passim''. </ref>. We should not dwell here on the connection established by E. Schurer more than one century ago between these groups of Monotheistic or quasi-Monotheistic believers and the ''metuentes'' attested by epigraphic and literal evidence in the Latin West <ref>''CIJ'', I, 2, nos. 5, 285, 524, 529, 642; (M. STERN, ''GLAJJ ''II, p.105, thought that ''metuens ''could be only an abridgment of the fuller formula ''deum metuens ''and hence was definitely used technically: “It is hard to conceive that either ''metuens ''or ''sebòmenos ''is used in the general sense of ‘religious’ ”). The participles ''metuens ''and ''timens ''can also be found in Christian inscriptions (E. DIEHL, ''ILCV'', Berlin 1961, nos. 3359a, 3416a, 4779, 6 [''metuens''], 1339-41, 1172 [''timens'']): in both cases, however, the formula would actually refer to God.fearers. For a Latin transcription of the Greek ''theosebès ''into Latin letters, cf. J.B. FREY, ''CIJ'', I, 2, Città del Vaticano 1936, no.228 (= D. NOY, ''JIWE'', II, no.207, Rome: Eparchia ''theosebes''; but cf. FELDMAN, “Jewish ‘Sympathizers’ in Classical Literature and Inscriptions”, p.204 n.24: “Frey, who is very eager to find ‘sympathizers’ in his inscriptions, is wrong in not recognizing a possible one here”), and ''CIJ ''I, 2, LIFSHITZ, ''Prolegomenon ''no.619a (= ''JIWE'', I, no.113, Venosa: Marcus ''teuseves''; cf. B. LIFSHITZ, “Les Juifs à Venosa”, ''RFIC'', 90 [N.S. 40] [1962], pp.367-71). For a discussion, besides ROMANIUK, “Die ‘Gottesfurchtigen’ im Neuen Testament”, ''passim'', and LAKE, “Proselytes and God-Fearers”, ''BC'', ''passim'', see LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting'', pp.68-70. The references to ''metuen(te)s ''are collected by SCHURER-VERMES-MILLAR-GOODMAN, ''The History of the Jewish People'', III, 1, p.168 n.74. For literary evidence, see below n.217. The term ''Theosebés ''is an equivalent of ''Sebòmenos ''(''tòn theòn''): normally in inscriptions the former is preferred because of its shorter form. </ref>, but above all with the ''sebòmenoi ''(''tòn theòn''), the ''phoboùmenoi ''(''tòn theòn''), the ''Hellenes ''whom Saint Paul regularly meets in the course of his indefatigable mission <ref>God-Fearers in ''Acts. ''Chap. x: description of a model God-Fearer, ''i.e. ''the centurion Cornelius denoted as ''eusebès kaì phoboùmenos tòn theòn ''expressing his piety by means of almsgiving and costant praying (x, 2) and enjoing a good reputation among Jews (x, 22). It is worth noting with PINES, “The Iranian Name for Christians and God-Fearers”, p.147, as “according to the Acts of the Apostles, the first Gentile converted to Christianity was one of the God-fearers”. Cornelius’ episode is the turning point of the book: from here, ''Acts'' is the history of this mission. xiii, 16 (''phoboùmenoi tòn theòn''); 43 (''sebòmenoi prosèlytoi''): the passage has been long discussed, because of its apparent self-contradiction, the words used here by Luke denoting two different classes of believers. Generally two solutions to the problem have been proposed: the first one is that ''prosèlytoi ''is a wrong word, namely an ancient gloss or “a careless expression” (KUHN-STEGEMANN, ''RE'', Suppl. IX, col.1253; KUHN, ''TWNT'', VI [1968], p.743; E. HAENCHEN, ''Die Apostelgeschichte'', in ''KritischeexegetischeKommentar uber das Neue Testament'', III, Gottingen 1959, p.355 n.5 [ET, Oxford 1971, p.413 n.5]; ROMANIUK, loc. cit., p.81; LIFSHITZ, “Du Nouveau sur les Sympathisants”, p.80; H. CONZELMANN, ''Acts of the Apostles'', Philadelphia 1987, p.106); the second coincides with the position of the scholars who reject any technical sense of the word ''sebòmenoi ''(FOAKES-JACKSON, ''BC'', V, p.88; WILCOX, “The ‘God-Fearers’ in Acts: A Reconsideration”, p.181 f.). But particularly worth of interest is a third possibility, namely the suggestion of LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting'', p.47, who argues “that ''prosèlytos ''is used here in the same manner as in Mattew in a basic ‘verbal’ sense of ‘coming to any-thing new’”: she had in fact checked a semantic value of the term/verb ''prosèlytos''/''prosèrkhetai ''present in some Christian texts such as the ''Homiliae ''of ASTERIUS OF AMASEA, the ''Praescriptio ''of MARIA OF CASSOBELA, and a passage of CLEMENS OF ALEXANDRIA, where “alongside the traditional meaning there began to develop another one, namely ‘a convert to Christianity’ ”, hence the more general “idea of approaching anything new”, by which interpretation obviously all contradictions cease to exist); 50; xvi, 14; xvii, 4, 17; xvii, 17; xviii, 6-7 (''sebòmenoi ''[''tòn theòn''] and ''sebòmenoi Hèllenes'': the abridged formula ''oisebòmenoi ''could also be explained by the commandment of not naming in vain God: cf. J. KLAUSNER, ''Von Jesus zu Paulus'', Jerusalem-Amsterdam 1950, p.55; LIFSHITZ, ''ibidem''). We should add to these items three passages mentioning “Greeks” (xiv, 1, xviii, 4 and xix, 10: ''Ioudaìous kaì Hellenas''), whose identity is certainly not different from the ''sebomènon Hellènon ''previously mentioned in xvii, 4 (cf. REYNOLDSTANNEMBAUM, ''Jews and God-Fearers'', p.51). For other direct or indirect Greek literary references to God-Fearers (Epictetus, Filo, Josephus), see BERTRAM, art. “Theosebès”, ''TWNT ''III, p.123 ff.; COHEN, “Respect for Judaism by Gentiles According to Josephus”, pp.416-9 (who counts as many as five instances in ''AJ'': 3, 217; 3, 318-9; 20, 34; 20, 41; 20, 195; and four in ''BJ'': 2, 454; 2, 463; 2, 560; 7, 45); MARCUS, “The ''Sebòmenoi ''in Josephus”, pp.247-50. Talmudic references to ''yere’i ash-shamayyim ''(“Heaven Fearers”, where “Heaven” is the traditional metonymy for God) are collected and discussed by I. LEVY, “Le Proselytisme Juif”, ''REJ ''50 (1905), pp.1-9; 51 (1906), pp.29-31; and by SIEGERT, “Gottesfurchtiger”, pp.110-27; add REYNOLDS-TANNEMBAUM, op. cit., p.48 f. and notes; FELDMAN, “Jewish Sympathizers”, p.207 f.; and the lemma ''jàre’'', ''TWAT'', s.v</ref>in the synagogues of Asia Minor and Greece where he preaches the evangelical message (but in other meetingplaces also, mostly after Paul’s last theological break with the Jews <ref>EPIPHANIUS, ''Panarion'', 80, 1-2, compares [[Messalians]]’ places of prayer with extra-mural Jewish sanctuaries, like the cultic place outside the city walls where Paul met the God-fearing Lydia, or another one built by the Samaritans in the shape of an open-air theatre, adding that they also used buildings similar to churches: cf. below p.26.</ref>: ''Thus I shall go to Gentiles'') <ref>''Acts'', xviii, 6.</ref>, and who consequently appear to be the original bulk of the emerging Christianity according to Luke’s ''Acts''.
For the cultic features of the Western ''metuentes'', what we have observed in Juvenal’s satyrical verses <ref>Above in the text and n. 209.</ref>is perhaps enough; in reference to God-Fearers’ practices in ''Acts ''one must rather stress the crucial decision of Jerusalem’s Council (51 C.E.) <ref>For “The Apostolic Council of Jerusalem”, see K. LAKE’s ''Note XVI'', in ''BC'', I, 5, pp.195-212.</ref>, where the duties of such Gentile Converts to Christianity were fixed once and for all: ''Wherefore my sentence is, that we trouble not them, which from among the Gentiles are turned to God: but that we write unto them, that they abstain from pollutions of idols, and from fornication, and from things strangled, and from blood'' <ref>''Acts'', xv, 19-20. </ref>. What is that? It is just the moral-religious code which, according to rabbinical tradition, every man is obliged to follow, and in particular the stranger, the ''resident alien'' (''[[gertoshàb]] '', ''ger ash-sha’ar'') in the State of Israel <ref>For the equivalence ''ger(ei) [[toshàb ]] – ger(ei) ash-sha’ar – ben(ei) Noah, ''cf. SCHURER-VERMESMILLAR- GOODMAN, ''The History of the Jewish People'', III, 1, p.171; STRACK-BILLERBECK, ''Komm. z.NT'', II, p.722 f.; MOORE, ''Judaism'', I, p.341; REYNOLDS-TANNEMBAUM, op. cit., p.48 f. and 58 f. </ref>: the so-called ''Noachite Laws'' <ref>''Talmud'': ‘''Aboda Zara'', (8, 4) 64b; ''Sanhedrin'', 56a; ''Ger. ''3, 1; cf. the arts. “Laws (Noachian)”, ''JE ''VII, pp.648-50 and “Noachite Laws”, ''EJ ''XII, cols. 1190-1; see also J. BONSIRVEN, ''Le Judaisme Palestinien auTemps de Jesus-Christ'', I, Paris 1934, p.251; KLAUSNER, ''Von Jesus zu Paulus'', p.345. We reproduce the list given by REYNOLDS-TANNEMBAUM, op. cit., p.59, and their relative remarks: “What were the seven commandments? On the one hand, we find commandments against 1) idolatry; 2) incest; 3) murder; 4) profanation of the name of God; 5) robbery; 6) a positive commandment on the duty to form instruments of justice; 7) a ban of eating parts cut out of living animals. On the other hand we are told that the tanna’itic school of Manasseh omitted from the Noachite commandments those on the courts and on blasphemy (nos. 6 and 4 above), and substituted prohibitions of emasculation and ‘forbidden mixture’ (of plants, in ploughing, etc.)”.</ref>. There exist various versions of such prescriptions <ref>Cf. for example ''The Book of Jubilees'', 7, 20 ff., which hands down a quite different list. The set of prescriptions contained in ''Acts'', xv, 19-20 (and repeated in the next passage 28-9), however, is specially worth of attention, since it “is the only one that bears any systematic relationship to the set of religious laws which the Pentateuch makes obligatory upon resident aliens” (“Noachite Laws”, col.1190); cf. also ''Ps.Clementines'', ''PG ''II, col.221. </ref>, but it is interesting to notice now that after this historical decision Christians Converts coming from Gentilism, namely uncircumcised Christians (''Ecclesia ex Gentibus'') <ref>“The Apostolic decree, a rule agreed at the Apostolic Council where Paul, Peter and others met to discuss the extent to which the gentile converts to Christianity had to follow Jewish Law, is currently agreed by many to be a kind of Christian God-fearers’ rule” (REYNOLDS-TANNEMBAUM, op. cit., p.61, with bibliographical references at n.261); cf. SIMON, ''Verus Israel'', p.392: “Le décret apostolique, fixant comme condition à l’admission des Gentils la pratique des precepts dits noachiques, se place dans la mème ligne de la propagande juive”. </ref>, God-Fearers, at least the ''sebòmenoi/phoboùmenoi ''(''tòn theòn'')/''Hellenes ''contacted by Paul and other apostles, ''Hunafà’'', at least the ''Hanìf ''Zayd whose devotional practices are the only ones to be explicitly stated in the ''Sìra ''<ref>A fundamental correspondence between these different cathegories of people are also suggested by the English translator of the ''Sìrah'', A. GUILLAUME who, when commenting ibn Ishàq’s portrait of Zayd, pointed out that “the influence of the Jewish formula, taken over by early Christianity, is clear” (''The Life ofMuhammad'', p.99 n.2). Cf. however above, p.21 f. and ns. 188-192. </ref>, Sabians, whom many traditions consider as Noah’s heirs and consequently followers of the ''Noachite Laws'' <ref>See the authors and the works quoted by CHWOLSON, ''Die Ssabier'', II, p.563 (cf. I, p.271 and n.1), and p.592 f. (cf. GREEN, ''The City of the Moon-God'', p.13); add Khalìl ibn Ahmad who, according to al- Qurtubì, ibn Kathìr and ibn Hayyàn, states that “the Sabians believe that they belong to the religion of the prophet Noah” (quoted by GUNDUZ, ''The Knowledge of Life'', p.25).</ref>, and finally Harranians, whose capital city is said to have been founded by Noah or by some of his relatives (a son or a nephew) after the Flood <ref>For textual references to ibn al-Kalbì, Yàqùt and Bar Hebraeus, see again CHWOLSON, op. cit., II, p.553 and p.549 f. (cf. I, p.311), who, in relation to Bar Hebraeus, mentions Sem’s son Arpakshad, whereas in BUDGE’s translation of the ''Chronicon ''(cit. above n.159), p.7, one finds out the name of Noah’s nephew Shàlàh. AL-TABARI, on the other hand, in his ''History ''claims that ''Sàbì ''is another name of Lamech, the father of Noah (''Ta’rìkh al rasùl wa al-mulùk'', ed. M.J. De GOEJE, repr. Leiden 1964, I, p.178 [ET ''TheHistory of al-Tabarì'', New York 1987]: the great poligraph accepts this derivation of the name ''Sàbi’ùn ''from an eponymous hero together with the other one proposed by him in his ''Tafsìr'': see below p.30 and n.271); cf. AL-ASH’ARI, ''Tashìl al-sabìl'', Comm. ad ''Sùra ''2, 59 (quoted by CHWOLSON, II, p.563, cf. I, p.271). For the opinion that the Sabians claim to be followers of the religion of Noah, see AL-TUSI, ''al-Tibiyàn fì tafsìral-Qur’àn'', I, ed. Najaf 1376 H./1956, p.282 (Comm. ad ''Sùra ''2, 62); KASHANI, ''Minhaj al-sàdiqìn fì ilzàmal-mukhàlifìn'', III, ed. Teheran 1346 H.S./1927, p.283 (Comm. ad ''Sùra ''2, 62): cf. Mc AULIFFE, “Exegetical Identification of the Sàbi’ùn”, p.97 and p.100; add the modern Muslim lexicographers quoted by CHWOLSON, II, p.592 f. , and the authors cited in the previous note. </ref>, appear to share to some extent the same ethicalreligious duties.
But let us go on checking the available textual evidence about God-Fearers’ beliefs and rites. What Gregory of Nazianzus witnesses about the Cappadocian group called by him ''Hypsistarii ''is quite interesting, since he is speaking about his own father, converted to Christianity by some bishops ''en route ''to the Council of Nicaea (325 C.E.), thus handing down a direct and personal experience: ''The Cult was a mixture of two elements, Hellenic error and adherence to the Jewish law … Its followers reject the idols and sacrifices of the former and worship fire and lamplight; they revere the ''sabbath ''and do not touch certain foods, but have nothing to do with circumcision. To the humble they are called Hypsistarians, and the ''Pantokrator ''is the only god they worship'' <ref>GREGORIUS OF NAZIANZUS, ''Or''., 18, 5 (''PG ''35, 989D ff.). For ''Pantokrator'', see SCHURER, “Die Juden im Bosporanischen Reiche”, p.221; HORSLEY, ''New Documents'', I, p.137 and III, p.118. A cult of ''Zeus Pantokrator ''has been recently identified in Bytinia, ''I. Nicaea ''II, 1, no.1121; 2, no.1512.: the editor of these inscriptions, S. SAHIN, has rightly pointed out the relation of this cult to the worship of ''TheosHypsistos''. It must be remembered that the designation “Hypsistarii”, as well as “Hypsistiani”, was not adopted by the worshippers themselves: it was a label applied by outsiders to them (cf. MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, p.96). </ref>.
A passage from Gregory of Nyssa’s ''Contra Eunomium ''is another classical source about ''Hypsistiani'': that is the name, indeed very similar to the previous one recorded by the other Gregory, by which he denotes the members of this Monotheistic group, but without adding any relevant information except for the acknowledgement of attributes such as ''the highest'' and ''Pantokrator ''given to God by them and, at the same time, their rejection of a Christian attribute such as ''Father'' in reference to God <ref>GREGORIUS OF NYSSA, ''Eun.'', 2 (''PG ''45, 481D – 484A). For funerary epitaphs of two possible Hypsistarians in Phrygia, see MITCHELL, ''Anatolia'', p.50; R.L. FOX, ''Pagans and Christians'', Viking 1986, p.404; LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting'', p.101f. and n.107. </ref>.
The testimony of Epiphanius about ''[[Messalians ]]''(''Those who pray''), even called ''[[Euphemitai ]]''(''Those who bless''), happens during the same period (376 C.E.) and is contained in his ''Panarion ''where the subject is discussed at length. The Cyprian bishop distinguishes between a Christian sect by this name and the ''Pagan'' community <ref>Both groups were known by a number of additional names such as ''Martyriani'', ''Enthusiastae ''etc. About [[Messalians ]] see ''PS'', Part I, Vol. 3: ''Liber Graduum'', ed. M. KMOSKO, Paris 1926, cxv-cxlix (Discussion), clxx-ccxcii (Ancient Testimonia). The Christian sect was condemned by synods at Side and Costantinople (cf. G.W.H. LAMPE, ''A Patristic Greek Lexicon'', Oxford 1961, p.833, for textual references): close affinities with Christianity result for example from their adoption of a martyr cult. On the other hand, close similarities with Judaism emerge just from the name of their places of worship, because ''proseuche ''occurs almost exclusively in Jewish contexts: a good analysis of the word is given by M. HENGEL, “Proseuche und Synagoge: Judische Gemeinde, Gotteshaus und Gottesdienst in der Diaspora und in Palastina”, in ''Traditionund Glaube: Festgabe fur K.G. Kuhn'', Gottingen 1971, pp.157-83 (= ''The Synagogue, Studies in Origins,Archaeology and Architecture'', ed. J. GUTMANN, New York 1975, pp.110-48); see also L. ROBERT, ''Opera Minora Selecta'', II, Amsterdam 1969, p.1611; SCHURER-VERMES-MILLAR-GOODMAN, ''TheHistory of the Jewish People'', II (1979), p.425 f. n.4 and p.439 f. n.61. The word is used to denote sanctuaries of ''Theòs Hypsistos ''in the Bosporan Kingdom, on Delos, in Galatia, in Hellenistic Egypt (Athribis): references in MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypistos”, nos.85, 88, 109, 202, 285; discussion in HORSLEY, ''New Documents'', III, p.121, IV, p.201. </ref>, for both of which he shows very little sympathy indeed, but we are for the moment only interested to record what the famous heresiologist knows about the latter: ''They are simply pagans who admit the existence of gods but worship none among them; they adore one God only, whom they call Almighty. They also construct for themselves certain houses or spacious areas, like ''fora'', which they call ''proseuchai''. Of old there were certain places of prayer among the Jews which were outside the city, and among the Samaritans, as we find as well in the ''Acts of theApostles'', where Lydia, a seller of purple goods, met those with Paul … Now these earlier [[Messalians]], who derive themselves from pagans and who appeared on the scene before those at present who derive from the Christian religion, have themselves constructed on the one hand certain small places in certain regions which are called ''proseuchai ''or ''eukteria'', while in other locations they have built for themselves something like churches, where they gather at evening and morning with much lighting of lamps and torches and lengthy singing hymns and acclamations to God by the zealous among them, through which hymns and acclamations they fondly think to conciliate God'' <ref>EPIPHANIUS, ''Pan''., 80, 1-3 (''GCS'', ''Epiphanius'', ed. K. HOLL, III, pp.485-8). </ref>.
One changes geographical area with Cyril of Alexandria, whose information is worthy of attention mostly because of the name of the group that he mentions, for it recurs again under the form of ''Theosebeìs'', which we have already encountered. They live in Phoenicia and Palestina, worship ''Hypsistos Theòs ''but also other deities such as the Sun and the Moon, Earth and Heaven, and the brightest stars: just as was the case for Gregory of Nazianzus’ ''Hypsistarii'', also Cyril claims that ''Theosebeìs''’ beliefs and ritual customs are neither Jewish or Christian, but are a sort of mixture of both <ref>CYRILLUS OF ALEXANDRIA, ''De Ador. in Sp. et Ver.'', 3, 92 (''PG ''68, 281 BC). </ref>.
the related verb for denoting both the theorethical and practical aspects of the anchoritic monasticism, and in fact it was by this term that the Monastic Way was generally known by people. “While Greek controversialists in fact became all the more bitter, Aramaeans and Copts abandoned any intellectual attempt to reconcile the conflict between the exoteric and esoteric elements in the Christian tradition in order to pursue practical ways by which the false duality could be overcome, hence they called it ‘the Christian philosophy’ and ‘to philosophize’ meant ‘to pursue the monastic way’ “ (SPENCER TRIMINGHAM, op. cit., p.66 f.; cf. p.102 n.23 and p.256).</ref>, by which Christians were often identified by Arabs and by other people dwelling in Near Eastern desert regions or in the surrounding geographical areas <ref>It is not by chance that one of the few Christians with whom Muhammad came personally into contact was just a monk, namely the learned anchorite Bahìra whom the Prophet would have encountered during his journey to Bostra. This legendary episode is often recorded by Medieval Muslim sources: IBN ISHAM, Sìrah, ET pp.79-81; IBN SA’AD, Tabaqàt (ref. above, n.192), I, 1, p.76; AL-TABARI, Ta’rìkh (ref. above, n.226), I, pp.1223-5; AL-MAS’UDI, Murùj, ed. and FT by C. PELLAT, Paris 1965, I, p.83, is the only writer to recognize that Bahìra is an epithet, as the word in reality is (deriving from Syriac bhìrà which is just a title commonly employed for addressing monks): cf. the lemma “Bahìra”, EI2 I, and also below n.260.</ref>; or to remember a famous religious community such as ''al-Ibàd'', ''The Worshippers'', ''The Servants (of God)'', ''i.e. ''the Nestorian Christians living in al-Hìra <ref>We do not know any monograph exclusively devouted to this important community: moreover, books such as for example the already cited FIEY’s Communautés Syriaques en Iran et Iraq, NAU’s Les Arabes Chrétiens de Mésopotamie et de Syrie, or SPENCER TRIMINIGHAM’s Christianity among the Arabs, provide indeed a very meagre information about it (in spite of – sometimes - the numerous references to it: in the last case at pp.156, 171, 196, 225, 226, 243, 278). Cf. also C.M. NALLINO, Raccolta di Scritti, Vol. III, Roma 1940, p.139 f.; other bibliographical material is furnished by the lemmas “Nasturiyyùn” (B. HOLMBERG), and “al-Hìra” (IRFAN SHAHID), EI2 VII, pp. 1033-5, and III, p.478 f., whereas the lemma “(al-)Ibàd” is unfortunately useless. For the expression “Servants of God”, see below n.337.</ref>, in Southern Mesopotamia.
Regarding the Sabians’ beliefs and rites, the following evidence comes out from these sources: : 1) They believe in only One God <ref>Wahb ibn Munabbìh (d. 110-14 H./ 728-32 C.E.), according to IBN QATAYBAH, Al-ma’àrìf, ed. Cairo 1934, p.202; IBN KATHIR, Tafsìr, ed. Cairo 1376 H./1956, I, p.104; and to ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Zayd (d. 182 H./798 C.E.), cf. AL-TABARI, Tafsìr, I, p.319; IBN KATHIR, op. cit., I, p.104; ABU AL-FARAJ, Tafsìr, ed. Beirut 1384 H./1964, I, p.92; IBN HAYYAN, Tafsìr, ed. Riyàd n.d., I, p.239. It is worth noting that this person is one of the sources of al-Tabarì (who mentions him simply as “al-Zayd”), to whom is also due the relevant information that the Sabians lived in Jazìrat al-Mawsil (i.e. the region around Mosul in Northern Mesopotamia), as MARGOLIOUTH, art. “Harrànians”, p.519, had stressed for demonstrating that just at this early date – namely almost fifty years before the date proposed by the Fihrist’s famous tale - the Harranians were called “Sabians”: the scholar claimed in fact that “the region around Mosul” is an acceptable geographical approximation for Harràn; cf. GREEN, The City of the Moon-God, p.106 (who dates back Zayd’s death to 770, so that the link between Harràn and the Sabians can be established at least 75 years before al-Ma’mùn’s visit). Indeed, one should perhaps keep in mind that “in the time of the emperor Julian (361-3) the anchorite movement was widely extended and the region of Tùr ‘Abdìn [the large mountainous plateau running just South of Harràn in the direction of Mosul] had already acquired that name which means ‘Mountain of the Servants of God’, because of the number of its ascetics and cenobitic groupings” (SPENCER-TRIMINGHAM, op. cit., p.126).</ref>; 2:7) They do not have any cult, scripture or prophet believe in the prophets <ref>‘Abd Rahman Abù al-Zanàd, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; Ziyàd ibn ZaydAbìhì, according to the Muslim sources quoted in relation to him in the previous noteIBN KATHIR, loc. cit. </ref>; :3) They state they are followers of the prophet Noah <ref>Khalìl ibn ‘Ahmad (d. 170 H./786-7), according to AL-QURTUBI, ''Al-jamì’ al-‘ahkàm al-Qur’àn'', ed. Cairo 1387 H./1967, I, p.434; IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; IBN HAYYAN, loc. cit.; cf. CHWOLSON, ''DieSsabier'', I, p.188. </ref>; 4:9) They pray to the Sun fast 30 days a year <ref>Qatàdah Abù al-Zanàd, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit. It is convenient to recall here – in relation to points 5, 7, 8 and 9 - the quite strange picture of the Sabianism drawn by IBN HAZM, op. cit. (dabove n.188), p. 118 H34 ff./ 736), according to whom it would have had many rites and practices in common with Islàm. According to our sources of information about it (and in particular AL-NAYSABURINADÌM and AL-BÌRÙNÌ’s cultic ''Calendars''), however, we must acknowledge that the religion of the Harrànians fits well with all these elements, excepting the reading of the ''Gharàyb Psalms'': the question of having no cult, scripture or prophet(s), on the other hand, deserves a more detailed analysis which we are going to perform in the next pages. </ref>.:8) They have 5 daily ritual prayers <ref>Abù al-Qur’àn wa raghàyb al-furqàn''Zanàd, according to IBN KATHIR, edloc. Cairo 1381 Hcit./1962; Ziyàd ibn Abìhi, Iaccording to IBN KATHIR, ploc. cit.333; Qatàdah, according to the same sources quoted in relation to him above n.255. </ref>; :5) They pray in the direction of the a ''qiblah ''<ref>Hasan al-Basrì (d. 110 H./728), according to AL-QURTUBI, loc. cit.; IBN HAYYAN, loc. cit.; Abù al- Zanàd (d. 130 H./747), according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit. (in reality Abù al-Zanàd states that the '''Sabians pray towards Yaman, ''"i.e. “the South"'''). </ref>; They pray towards the SouthSun <ref>Qatàdah (d. 118 H./ 736), according to AL-NAYSABURI, ''Gharàyb al-Qur’àn wa raghàyb al-furqàn'', ed. Cairo 1381 H./1962, I, p.333.. </ref>; :6) They worship the angels [[Netiaot|The Angels]] and read the psalms (''zabùr'') <ref>Qatàdah, according to AL-TABARI, op. cit., I, p.320; AL-QURTUBI, loc. cit.; IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; Khalìl, according to AL-QURTUBI, loc. cit.; IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; IBN HAYYAN, loc. cit.; Hasan al- Basrì, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; ABU AL-FARAJ, loc. cit.; ibn Abì Nujayh (d. 132 H./749), and Suddì (d. 128 H./745), according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; IBN HAYYAN, loc. cit. Other Muslim personalities confirm that Sabians worship the angels (Abù Yusuf [d. 182 H./798], Muhammad ibn Hasan [d. 189 H./804]; cf. ABU LAYTH AL-SAMARQANDI, ''Tafsìr'', Suleymaniye Library, Fatih Bolumu Nu: 227, ed. Istanbul, I, p.19B) and read ''zabùr ''(Abù al-‘Aliyah [d. 90 H./708], Rabì’ ibn ‘Anas al-Basrì [d. 139 H./756], according to AL-BUKHARI, ''Al-jàmi’ al-sahìh'', ed. Istanbul 1981, I, p.90; AL-QURTUBI, loc. cit.; IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; IBN HAYYAN, loc. cit.). </ref>; 7:2) They believe in the prophets <ref>Abù al-Zanàddo not have one cult, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; Ziyàd ibn Abìhì, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit. scripture or prophet </ref>; 8) They have 5 daily ritual prayers <ref>Abù al-Zanàd, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; Ziyàd ‘Abd Rahman ibn Abìhi, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit.; QatàdahZayd, according to the same Muslim sources quoted in relation to him above n.255. </ref>; 9) They fast 30 days a year <ref>Abù al-Zanàd, according to IBN KATHIR, loc. cit. It is convenient to recall here – in relation to points 5, 7, 8 and 9 - the quite strange picture of the Sabianism drawn by IBN HAZM, op. cit. (above n.188), p. 34 ff., according to whom it would have had many rites and practices in common with Islàm. According to our sources of information about it (and in particular AL-NADÌM and AL-BÌRÙNÌ’s cultic ''Calendars''), however, we must acknowledge that the religion of the Harrànians fits well with all these elements, excepting the reading of the ''Psalms'': the question of having no cult, scripture or prophet(s), on the other hand, deserves a more detailed analysis which we are going to perform in the next pagesprevious note. </ref>.;
It is clear that there are some contradictions among these statements; it is evident, in other words, that some of these scholars have in mind a certain religious community, a precise one, probably even the Mandaeans or another Baptismal sect, since some of them lived – as they still do nowadays – in the South of Iraq <ref>It is the case of Ziyàd ibn Abìhì, Hasan al-Basrì, Qatàdah, Abù al-Zanàd, Khalìl ibn Ahmad, Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Abù Yusuf and Muhammad ibn Hasan. </ref>. But the problem is not to determine whether the Mandaeans may be included among the Sabians and may consequently be part of the ''People of the Book'' <ref>Taking into account its Monotheistic character, the possession of a Holy Book and the acknowledgment of a Prophet, in fact, their religion, as well as the doctrine of the Elkesaites/''Mughtasila''/''Sàbat al-Batàih'', no doubt is consistent with the features of the “People of the Book” and consequently with those of the group designated as the “Sabians”, mostly because Muhammad himself “may not have fully understood the practices and beliefs of the people he called by that name” (GREEN, ''The City of the Moon-God'', p.105). Despite the identification Sabians = Mandaeans of which he appears to be convinced, J. THOMAS himself, who consecrated a study to ''Le Mouvement Baptiste en Palestine et en Syrie ''(Gembloux 1935), had to recognize that the latter group – in consequence of its peripherical position and of the small number of its members - could never attract the attention of the Prophet nor let him consider the Mandaean sect in terms of a cult as important as Christianity and Judaism: “Il est clair cependant que la secte sabéenne des auteurs arabes (nos Mandéens) … n’aurait pas, à elle seule, merité un tel traitement de faveur; c’est un mouvement plus vaste qui a du ètre visé … Le Coran aurait-il englobé sous l’appellation de Sabéens les Baptistes de Syrie ? Nous n’oserions ni l’affirmer ni le nier” (p.208 f.). </ref>; the problem is whether these features fit with their religion or not. Now, we think that a statement such as the second one, namely that ''they do not have any cult, scripture or prophet'', or that ''they do not have a certain canonical law'', or even that ''they have no distinctive religion'' is a very singular feature. Actually, with the final summary of the beliefs and the rites of the Sabians made by S. Gunduz, the last and resolute exponent of the ''Mandaean party''<ref>GUNDUZ, ''The Knowledge of Life'', p.25 f.</ref>, one cannot appreciate thoroughly the real weight that the above cited definitions have according to these scholars, while they recur very frequently and are particularly stressed by many of them <ref>We believe that the number of witnesses in agreement about a certain feature could not be judged by itself an undisputable factor for deciding the very weight which it deserves: it needs to take into adequate consideration not only the historical and cultural context of the source in question, but also the role which sometimes the chance may have played for the survival of a certain document: all this may appear ever so trivial, but it seems us closely paralleled by the important methodological discussion about the wrong use of the material in their possession often made by epigraphists, carried on by MITCHELL, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos”, pp.97 ff. and 111 ff. In any case, it should be noted that nobody – as far as we know – has ever dwelt upon such a definition of Sabianism, despite its exceptional, very astonishing nature. Actually, literally speaking, which could be the meaning of a similar information ? How could one answer to the question ? 262 bis) About this point see the convincing argument of R. DUSSAUD, ''Histoire et religion des Nosairìs'', Paris 1900, p.84. </ref>.
Pines’ study is especially important for two reasons: in fact it corroborates our hypothesis about the presence of God-Fearers along the borders of the Arabian peninsula or in the neighbouring regions in the historical period which we are dealing with, and it also supposes – as we do – that a confusion between God-Fearers and Christians could sometimes have appeared. Such a confusion was probably due to some similarities in cult practices between both religious groups, as we have already observed, so that in certain geographical areas and during a certain historical period both communities were perhaps called with an identical name by external observers <ref>The historical and semantic continuity between God-Ferarers and Christians is stressed by LEVINSKAYA, ''The Book of Acts in Its 1 c. Setting'', p.116: “… at least some of these groups [Hypsistarii, ''Caelicolae'', ''Theosebeis'', Massalians] were at one stage or another connected with Christianity. The Coelicolae were condemned as Christian apostates and obliged by law to rejoin the Church. The Massalians were the forerunners of the Christian sect with the same name. The father of Gregory of Nazianzus, a member of Hypsistarii, was readily converted by bishops on their way to the Council of Nicaea in 325 … Finally, if we compare the spread of Christianity among the population of the Bosporan Kingdom with that of the nearby Chersonese, a striking dissimilarity comes to light, which can be explained by the presence of numerous God-fearers who prepared the way for Christianity in the former”. </ref>. If such is the case, passages in the ''Koran ''about the ''Sàbi’ùn ''could be interesting historical testimonies of bilingualism, such as that one showed by the famous Middle- Persian Inscription from ''Kartìr'': here, the simultaneous quotation, among other religious groups, of ''nàcarày ''and ''kristiyàn'', is explained by M.L. Chaumont, who published and translated the document, in the following way: ''Les mots ''nàcarày ''et ''kristiyàn ''se rapporteraient l’une l’autre aux chrétiens orthodoxes sans aucune acception d’hérésie. Leur jusxtaposition serait l’effet d’un bilinguisme qui s’était instauré depuis peu au sein de la chrétienté perse … Il est très frappant que dans les ''Acta ''de Siméon bar Sabba’è les termes ''kristiyanà ''et ''nasorayè ''sont employés comme synonymes. Avec l’inscription de Kartìr, nous sommes peut-être à l’origine de ce double emploi. Le rédacteur du document, s’il connaissait l’un et l’autre vocable, ne savait sans doute pas qu’ils pouvaient s’appliquer à la même religion'' <ref>''La Christianisation de l’Empire Iranien'', ''CSCO ''499, Subs. 80, Louvain 1988, p.117; cf. G. WIESSNER, I, ''Untersuchungen zur syrischen Literaturgeschichte'', p.66 and p.317 ns.249, 251, 252 and 254, where one will find out all the references about the two terms as synonymous in the ''Acta''; II, ''ZurMartyreruberlieferung aus der Christenverfolgung Schapurs II'', ''AAWG'', Phil.-Hist. Kl. III.67, Gottingen 1967, p.70 f. and notes (“in the ‘B’ Life of Simeon bar Sabba’e the term ''nasraya ''is only found in the mouth of Persians”); PAYNE-SMITH, ''Thesaurus'', col.1821, s.v. “Kristiàna”, and col.2444, s.v. “Nasràya”; J.B. FIEY, ''Jalons pour une Histoire de l’Eglise en Iraq'', ''CSCO ''330, Subs. 36, Louvain 1970, p.54 n.44 (on Kartìr’s Inscription and the two names for Christians). Text and discussion of the document by Marie Louise CHAUMONT, “L’Inscription de Kartìr à la Ka’bah de Zoroastre”, ''JA ''248 (1960), pp.339-80 (the words in question are at l.10 of the Persian text). For the alleged Judaeo-Christian background of the term ''nàcarày'' (and its connection with the Aramaean term ''nàsràyà ''= from Nazareth) see H.H. SCHAEDER, art. “Nazarenòs, Nazoraìos”, ''TWNT ''IV [1941], p.879 f.; M. RONCAGLIA, “Eléments Ebionites et Elkésaites dans le Coran”, ''POC ''21 (1971), pp.101-26. For the alleged identity with a heretical group such as the Marcionites see J. De MENASCE, ''Skand-Gumanik Vicar'', p.206 f. (but see also the objections of J.M. FIEY, “Les Marcionites dans les Textes Historiques de l’Eglise de Perse”, ''Le Museon ''83 [1970], pp.183-8); cf. A. VOOBUS, “Celibacy, a Requirement for Admission to Baptism in the Early Syrian Church”, ''ETSE ''1 (1951), p.14 f. (who remarks that in the ''Acts ''of Mar Abà [VI c.] [''Jabalaha'', 2nd ed., p.213] the Marcionites are called Christians); for the equation Nazaraeans – Mandaeans (who really call themselves in such a way, see M. LIDZBARSKI, “Nazoraios”, ''ZS ''1 [1922], pp.230-3), cf. M. SPRENGLING, ''Third Century Iran'', Chicago 1953, p.58. Finally, S. BROCK, “Some Aspects of Greek Words in Syriac”, in A. DIETRICH ed., ''Syncretismus im Syrisch-Persichen Kulturgebiet'', Symposium of Gottingen 4th-8th October 1971, Gottingen 1974, pp.91-5 (with further bibliography), remarks that ''nàcarày ''and ''kristyàn ''denote “two groups of different geographical origin and of different cultural allegiance” (p.92), ''nàcarày ''being the normal term used at that time by the Persian authorities (and more in general by outsiders) for denoting Christians, whereas ''kristìyàn'' was a term introduced into the Persian area only in the mid III century for denoting the Christians of Western origin, namely those who had been settled in the Sassanid empire in consequence of Shapur I’s deportations: as far as the name used by Christians for denoting themselves is concerned, the author tentatively suggests the Semitic term ''msihaya'', because “with the growing influence of Antiochene Christianity in the Sassanid empire in the late fourth, and especially early fifth, century, the term ''kristyana ''came to be used for all Christians, irrespective of their origin, thus displacing ''msihaya''. At the same time, ''nàsrayà ''evidently gained, in Christian eyes, distinctly pejorative overtones that had originally not been present in the word” (p.94 f.). Cf. FIEY, ''Communautés Syriaques en Iran et Iraq'', p.181 f., who records in Iran, namely at Rew Ardashìr, “au moins deux églises, l’une des ‘Romains’ et l’autre des ‘Karmàniens’. Les premiers sont probablement de ces prisonniers que Sapor Ier (241-2) distribua dans toutes les villes de son empire et gràce auxquels il restaura Rew Ardashìr. Les seconds sont de vrais persans christianisés; ceux-ci, déportés de l’interieur [n.33: “je ne sais pas sur quoi se base M.lle Chaumont pour attribuer cette église aux ‘Syriens’ (p.178), ce qu’elle interprète (p.179) par de gens ‘originaires des campagnes de l’Antiochène … parlant syriaque”], célébraient leurs offices en syriaque, alors que les premiers priaient en grec”. It is not at all improbable that Muhammad used ''Nasàra ''and ''Sàbi’ùn ''as synonimes, even if the words had a different origin and possibly did not have a strictly identical meaning: our opinion is that the latter word – though referring like the former generally to Christians without any further implication – kept a close semantical link with the idea of Christians as ''tertium genus hominum ''(cf. above pp.18-22 and n.277) which played an important role also for the Muslim prophetology. [“In the Province of Arabia the baptized … were called ‘initiated’ (''oi memnemènoi'') or ‘enlightened’ (''oi pephotismènoi''), while the catechumens ranked as the uninitiated”, SPENCERTRIMINGHAM, op. cit., p.217; cf. p.103. For the problem of the catechumenate, see in particular above n.198]. </ref>.
===Saba'na, saba'na!===
A third testimony which we wish to discuss here comes from one of the ''Hadìth'' texts concerning the Arabic root ''SB’'', with the meaning ''changing one’s religion for another'', ''to apostatize'', which we already know as a whole. The excerpt comes from to chapter LVIII of al-Bukhàrì’s ''Sahìh'', consecrated to ''al-jiziya wa al-mwàda’ama’a àhl al-dhimma wa al-harb'', namely to the rules which Muslims had to keep when coming in contact with other populations <ref>AL-BUKHARI, ''Al-jàmi’ al-sahìh'', ed. L. KREHL - T.W. JUYNBOLL (1862-1908), II, lviii (''al-jiziyya''), chap. 11, p.296; FT by O.HOUDAS - W.MARCAIS (1903-1914), Titre lviii (''La Capitation''), chap.11 “Du cas où les ennemis vaincus disent: ‘Nous nous faisont Sabiens’, et n’ont su dire correctement: ‘Nous nous faisons Musulmans’ “), p.414. </ref>: in these cases, the problem was whether to consider these persons as being part of ''the People of the Book'', the Monotheistic communities enjoying the right of tolerance (Jews, Christians, Magians and Sabians), in exchange for the payment of a special tax, the ''jiziya'', foreseen in these cases by Islamic law. The title of the paragraph which we are dealing with is ''About the case when the enemies, after having been won, say: ‘We (want to) become Sabians (''sabà’na'', ''sabà’na'')’, without having been able to say correctly ‘We (want to) become Muslims (''aslamna'', ''aslamna'')’'' <ref>The same episode is narrated again by AL-BUKHARI, op. cit., III, lxiv (''al-maghàzi''), chap.58; FT Titre lxiv (''Des Expéditions Militaires''), chap.58 (“De l’envoi fait par le Prophète de Khàlid-ben-el-Oualìd chez les Benou-Djodzima”), p.200; and IV, xciii, chapt. 35 (''ahkàm''); FT Titre xciii (''Sentences''), chap. 35 (''Lorsque lemagistrat rend une sentence inique ou en contradiction avec l’opinion des juriconsultes, ce jugement doitètre repoussé''), p.515; the author, however, does not repeat in these last chapters the information referring to the Persian expression previously given in Book lviii, chapt.11. </ref>, and it narrates a quite strange story, indeed. While Khàlid in such a situation did not hesitate to slaughter everybody, being criticized afterwards by the Prophet who kept a distance from his fierce behaviour, ‘Umar on his side claimed that, when some enemy cried out the (Persian) word ''Matras''! <ref>In KREHL’s edition the Persian word is vocalized ''mataras''; ''matras ''is the vocalization of the FT where, at the relative note (n.2), the translation: “Ne crains pas !” can also be found. </ref>(''Do not fear!''), he had to be saved.
Actually the noun ''sabà ''means ''soldiers, army, military service'' <ref>KOELER-BAUMGARTNER, ''HALAT'', II, p.934, s.v. ''sabà''.</ref>, but we guess that, if the Hebrew root ''SBA ''– both in nominal and in verbal form – has really some connections with the historical beginnings of the Sabian question, it is absolutely not because Sabianism is an astral religion or a form of heavenly idolatry, since the Harranian Sabianism itself cannot be entirely reduced to that. It is very tempting, for example, to imagine that the word had some relations with the cult(s) practised in a military environment, namely within a human milieu made up of mixed ethnical elements, by various nationalities, where the ''strangers’ '' dominant presence was the rule rather than the exception <ref>See for example, for Imperial times, J. HELGELAND, “Roman Army Religion”, or E. BIRLEY, “The Religion of the Roman Army: 1895-1977”, ''ANRW ''II, 16, 2, pp.1470-1505 and 1506-41. The figure of the “Stranger”, Salman, in Ismailian historiosophy, is a leit-motif in the works of CORBIN (see for example “Rituel Sabéen”, n.144 ff. or more particularly the monography ''Salman Pak''). </ref>. For the moment, however, without increasing what L. Massignon once felicitously called ''le roman syncrétistique des Sabéens''<ref>L. MASSIGNON, “Esquisse d’une Bibliographie Qarmate”, in ''A Volume … to E.G. Browne ''(cit. above n.32), p.333. </ref> with other fruitless speculations, it is worth paying more attention to the semantic values of the Hebrew root, considering the literary sources which allow us to see more in detail its several practical uses. Following this theme, one is given a genuine surprise: through the ''Torah'', in fact, the terms connected to this root systematically recur in relation with the particular priestly duties and privileges of Levi’s tribe. Let us read, for instance, chapter IV of ''Numbers'', verses 1-3: ''And the Lord spoke unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying: ‘Take the sum of the sons of Kohath from among the sons of Levi, after their families, by the house of their fathers, from thirty years old and upward even until fifty years old, all that enter into the host, ''to do the work ''in the tabernacle of the congregation’ ''<ref>Cf. ''Samuel'', 2, 22.. </ref>.
It is not difficult to see the close semantic links between the military service and the special tasks imposed on the members of the Levite clan which can be paralleled because of the similarity that exists between the soldier’s heavy burdens and the Levite’ weighty responsibilities consisting in carrying out their sacerdotal duties in the Temple. But there is more than that. The concept of ''service'' seems in fact to recur not fortuitously through the available textual evidence about the Sabians, since we have to do with two items occupying a significant position in the already quoted Arabian manual of Magic ''Gayat al-Hakìm''. The first one is a general definition of the ''Sabians'', where it is said that they are nothing else but ''the Nabataean ''servants ''of Chaldaeans''<ref>PSEUDO-MAJRITI, ''Das Ziel des Weisens'', ed. RITTER p.80 (''… al-Sàbi’a, wa hum mamàlik al-nabtmin al-kasdàniyyìn''); GT by RITTER-PLESSNER, p.83. It is worth noting that the Harrànians are often called “Chaldaeans”, even if generally this information is handed down by the same Muslim authors asserting the usurpation of the name “Sabians” by them since al-Ma’mùn’s times: HAMZA AL-ISFAHANI, ''Tàrìkh sìnì mulùk al-‘ard wa al-‘anbiyà'', LT GOTTWALDT, p.4 (''Chaldaei occidentis tractum occupabanteorumque nepotes in urbis Carrarum atque Edessae hodieque reperiuntur'')[ed. JAWAD AL-IRANI ALTABRIZI, Berlin 1340 H., p.7: “Today (10th centurt A.D.) their descendants live in the city of Harràn and Rùhà (modern Urfa). They gave up this name (Chaldaeans) from the time of the caliph al-Ma’mùn and adopted the name ''sàbi’ùn''”]; AL-KHAWARIZMI, ''Mafàtih al-‘ulùm'', ed. Van VLOTEN, p.36 (“The Chaldaeans [''Al-kaldàniyùn''] … are they who are called ‘Sabians [and] Harrànians’. Their members live in Harràn and Iraq. They adopted the name ''sàbi’ùn ''at the time of the caliph al-Ma’mùn”); AL-NADIM, ''Fihrist'', ET DODGE, p.745 (“… ''Harnàniyah al-Kaldàniyyìn'', known as the Sabians”). ABU YUSUF, the head-judge of the Caliph Harùn al-Rashìd, states that the people of Harràn are Nabataeans and refugees from Greece (''Kitàb al-kharàj'', 5th ed. Cairo 1396 H., p.43). According to AL-MAS’UDI, ''Kitàb al-tanbìh wa al-‘ishràf'', ed. cit. (above n.150), p.31, the term “Nabataeans” refers to the Syriac-speaking people (cf. SPENCERTRIMINGHAM, ''Christianity among the Arabs'', p.146 f. and notes, for other references and details), whereas he uses the term ''Kaldàniyùn ''for denoting people who live in the marshes between Wasit and Basra in Southern Iraq, namely the group of Sabians opposed by him to the Harrànians and elsewhere denoted by him with the term ''Kimariyùn''. The relations which FARIS-GLIDDEN, “The Meaning of Koranic ''Hanìf''”, p.17 f., deduce from these traditions is worth of attention: “It is also noteworthy that the Nabataean and Koranic usage of ''hanìf ''in a favorable sense is paralleled in other Semitic languages only in the Eastern Aramaic dialect of Harràn, with which it has other linguistic affinities. Moreover the religion of the Harrànians as a Syro-Hellenistic syncretism has a good deal in common with the worship of the Nabataeans; it is also not without significance that the Aramaeans of Harràn are frequently referred to in Islamic literature as Nabataeans (Nabat), as well as Chaldaeans (Kaldànìyun). What little is known of the traditions of these people fits very well into the general picture of their culture as one sees it reflected from other sources: Nonnos’ mith of the Nabataean Lykourgos and Theodore Bar Koni’s story of the origin of ''hanpùtho ''at Athens are of the same tendentious character”. The latter story, in particular, deserves special attention, because what the texts literally recites appears at first sight quite problematic: “Il en est qui ont dit que c’est après l’olivier qui poussa à Athènes qu’ils [the ''Hanpè'']reçurent cette appellation, car olivier en langue grecque se dit ''elaià ''et paien ''halious ''(''Héllen ''?)” (THEODORE BAR KONI, ''Liber Scholiorum'', ed. ADDAI SCHER, ''CSCO'', ''Script. Syri ''26, p.285; FT by R. HESPEL - R. DRAGUET, ''CSCO'', ''Script. Syri ''188, p.213): we believe, indeed, that the only way for understanding this passage is to see in the last word not a wrong transcription of the term ''Héllen ''as the translators suggest, but a hint to the cult of Hypsistos, whose name in Hebrew is just ''Elyon ''(cf. above n.272). </ref>; in the Latin version of the work, the ''Picatrix'', the whole expression is slightly different, but the semantic bulk of ''service'' remains unwavering: ''Zabii ''= servi ''capti Chaldaerum ''<ref>''Picatrix. The Latin Version of the Ghàyat al-Hakìm'', ed. PINGREE, p.46. </ref>. The second text is relevant by itself, because it is part of the ''Gaya''’s introduction to the Sabian planetary prayers: ''And among the operations of the Sàbians is what al-Tabari the astrologer says concerning the drawing down of the power of the planets. He says: ‘That which is known to me concerning the drawing down of the planets and their services which I found attributed to the leaders of the Sabians and the servants of the temples, is what I will say. They say …’ ''<ref>PSEUDO-MAJRITI, ''Das Ziel des Weisens'', ed. RITTER, p.195; GT by RITTER-PLESSNER, p.206 (text also in DOZY-De-GOEJE, “Nouveaux Documents pour l’Etude de la Religion des Harràniens”, p.300, followed by a FT, p.341). It is tempting to think that the “leaders of the Sabians” and the “servants of the temples” eventually denote here the same class of persons, namely the Sabians in general ''tout-court''. According to several Muslim authors the Sabians had temples of different shape in honour of the seven planets (plus five else, all of circular shape, in honour of Abstract Entities such as the Primal Cause, the Reason etc.): AL-MAS’UDI, ''Murùj'', FT IV, p.61 (FT by PELLAT, II, p.535) ; AL-DIMASHQI, ''Nukhbat aldahr'', FT p.41 f.; AL-SHAHRASTANI, ''Milal'', GT p.76 f. (FT ''Les Sabéens de Shahrastànì'', by G. MONNOT, p.171 f.); cf. SEGAL, “Pagan Syriac Monuments in the Vilayet of Urfa”, p.115 ff., who believes to recognize such shrines in the archaeological remains of Sumatar Harabesi; HJARPE, ''Les Sabéens Harràniens'', pp.90-2, who usefully compares these Medieval texts. The best introduction to the subject is the more than once quoted “Rituel Sabéen”, pp.1-44, by CORBIN (repr. in Idem, ''Temple et Contemplation'', Paris 1980), who connects the idea of the heavenly temples (and of the shrines built in order to be their earthly representations) to the great spiritual Shi’ite and/or Ismailian tradition: according to these doctrines, the Sabians represent the first religious group during the present (hiero-)historical cycle to which the divine Revelation has been transmitted, followed by the Brahmans, the Zoroastrians, the Jews, the Christians and the Muslims (see once again H. CORBIN, “Epiphanie Divine et Naissance Spirituelle dans la Gnose Ismailienne”, ''ErJb ''23 (1954), p.186; Idem, ''Temps Cyclique et Gnose Ismailienne'', Paris 1982, p.110; or also MARQUET, “Sabéens et Ikhwàn al-Safà”, ''SI ''24 [1966], p.53 n.1; but see also above at n.195 the comparative table, for the relation Moon-Sabians-Revelation). Thus, it is not difficult to understand why the Sabians might be seen - as the ''Ghàya''’s passage seems to state – in terms of the Primeval Custodians/Servants of the Temple. As it is wellknown, the expression “Servants of the Most-High God” is used by Luke in ''Acts'', and precisely when the demon-possessed slave girl denotes Paul and Silas at Philippi just by means of such an attribute: the reason why Paul appears greatly troubled and irritated by this fact, so that he does not waver to exorcize the demon provoking the bitter reaction of her masters for the consequent loss of money, is explained by P.R. TREBILCO, “Paul and Silas ‘Servants of the Most High God’ (Acts, 16, 16-18)”, ''JSNT ''36 (1982), p.62, in interesting terms: “Only to a Jew or Judaizer would the title Theos Hypsistos have suggested that Yahweh was meant … Paul’s annoyance and consequent action were caused by the fact that the girl was confusing those to whom he was preaching. His anger was aroused by the fact that she was exposing his own proclamation to a syncretistic misunderstanding. He acted to remove the danger”. For the concept of “Servant”, “Slave” (Ar. ''‘abd''; Hebr. ''ebed'') in religious sense, see BIKERMAN, “The Name of Christians”, pp.119-23. </ref>. We think that the Jewish linguistic background had certainly played a very remarkable role in modelling the Arabic verb(s) ''saba’a/sabà ''and upon the name(s) ''Sabian/Sabians'' connected with them, both from the point of view of the Hebraic wisdom and from the common usage of language, as we have learnt dealing with the root ''SHUBH ''and with some technical figures of the Hebraic culture like the ''[[gertoshàb]]'', as well as with some proper names such as ''Elizabeth <ref>D. KELLERMANN, art. “''Gur, ger ''etc.”, ''TWAT'', I, p.989 f. Talmudic references also in REYNOLDSTANNENBAUM, ''Jews and God-Fearers at Aphrodisia'', p.48 and ns.168 and 171. </ref>. ''From a strictly etymological point of view, however, we are convinced that, if all these linguistic elements are fully pertinent, they must be considered at the same time in terms of progressive semantic intersections, issuing with an ever-increasing meaningfulness from the original noun which we believe does not come from Hebrew.
At this point, we have become familiar with a wide semantic field, the general co-ordinates of which are expressed by terms and concepts such as ''People(s), Nation(s), Greek(s), Soldier(s), Stranger(s), Servant(s), etc.''. Is there any coherence in that? We think so, mostly after having acknowledged the historical relationships between the particular roles played by these groups of people in reference to the prevailing religion according to the double-faced perspective according to which such a phenomenon was viewed in Late Antiquity, also beyond the frontier of the Roman Empire.
==Conclusions==
The strength of the idea of identifying the Sabians with the God-Fearers, namely the worshippers of One Most-High God, lies in the exceptional correspondence of the latter group not only with the three Koranic paragraphs mentioning ''Sàbi’ùn'', but also with most of the Arab-Islamic sources of the Middle Ages, in spite of the often hazy, loose, or even contradictory nature of such information. As far as the ''Koran''’s passages are concerned, we believe that the chains Muslims-Jews-Christians-Sabians (''Sura ''II), Muslims, Jews, Sabians Christians (''Sura ''V) and Muslims-Jews-SabiansChristians- Magians-Unbelievers (''Sura ''XXII) should be understood in terms of a sketch-map of the Universal Religions, though not chronologically listed, in some way similar to the one contained in Aristide’s ''Apology ''or to the other one shown by the famous ''Kartìr''’s Mid-Persian ''Inscription'': consequently, we find it '''impossible that the place of the Sabian group within the Muslims’ Holy Book might be occupied by a simple sect such as Mandaeans''', even if the last important work recently published on the subject by S. Gunduz goes on presenting this old theory once again. But an even more important reason why '''only God-Fearers appear perfectly able to take upon themselves the problematic identity of this (Sabi) community ''' is that no other one possesses the singular features drawn by the definition of the Sabians often recurring in many literary sources, namely that they are ''a religious group which has no cult, scripture and prophet, admitting only the ''tawhìd'', the profession of faith: ‘There is no god but God’''. A religion with similar features is a kind of a paradox, but God-Fearers prove that the contrary is true: the available evidence about their beliefs and ritual practices, in fact, is quite meagre, as well as that about their gathering places, so that on the whole one can just state that they shared the universal code of moral-religious duties generally known by the label of ''[[Noachite laws]]''.
'''We should remember that ''[[Noah’s Laws’Laws]]'' were also the limited set of observances foreseen by the Jerusalem Council (51 C.E.) for uncircumcised Christians (''Ecclesia ex Gentibus'')'''. Together with other common religious features shared by both groups, this factor may explain why the first Latin translation of the ''Koran'', fully corroborating our theory, seems not to distinguish completely between Christians and God-Fearers; the same things happened – as Pines demonstrated - in the regions where different Iranian languages were spoken, since the name for Christians in Persia is still today just ''Tarsakàn'', ''Fearers'': this historical confusion may suggest that the ''Sabians'' mentioned by Muhammad might perhaps be nothing else but an alternative name for ''Christians''.
Our theoretical proposal is in accordance, besides, with another important traditional opinion about the Sabians, that they are a ''people who leave their religion (for another)''. Such an idea comes apparently from the Arabic root(s) ''SB’/SBW'', but we have checked the Hebrew root ''SHWBH ''which it seems likely had a very significant influence upon the Arabic one(s). Al-Bìrùnì’s statement that the Sabians are ''the adherents of the prevailing religion'' is closely connected with this line of thought, even if it seems not to derive from lexicographic sources. Needless to say, the last definition just like the previous ones cannot seriously be applied to any existing religion, nor to a religious phenomenon such as Conversion. Surely one of the factors which played a crucial role in this sense, also from a linguistic point of view, was the existence of an original group such as the God-Fearers, who are not adequately defined by a name like ''Converts'', but rather by that of ''Mid-Converts'', or even better by one of the above recorded periphrastic expressions.
[[Category:History of Noahism]]
[[Category:Sebomenoi]]

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