The "Ger." Term Proselyte, from the Koine Greek προσήλυτος/proselytos, is a term employed generally, though not exclusively, in the Septuagint as a rendering for the Hebrew word "ger," designating a convert from one religion to another. The original meaning of the Hebrew is involved in some doubt. Modern interpreters hold it to have connoted, at first, a stranger (or a "client," in the technical sense of the word) residing in Palestine, who had put himself under the protection of the people (or of one of them) among whom he had taken up his abode. In later, post-exilic usage it denotes a convert to the Jewish religion. In the Septuagint and the New Testament the Greek equivalent has almost invariably the latter signification (<ref>but see Geiger, "Urschrift," pp. 353 et seq.)</ref>, though in the Septuagint the word implies also residence in Palestine on the part of one who had previously resided elsewhere, an implication entirely lost both in the Talmudical "ger" and in the New Testament προσέλύτος. Philo applies the latter term in the wider sense of "one having come to a new and God-pleasing life" (<ref>"Duo de Monarchia," i. 7)</ref>, but uses another word to express the idea of "convert"—ήπηλυτος. Josephus, though referring to converts to Judaism, does not use the term, interpreting the Biblical passages in which "ger" occurs as applying to the poor or the foreigner.
==Biblical References==
Whatever may have been the original implication of the Hebrew word, it is certain that Biblical authors refer to proselytes, though describing them in paraphrases. Ex. xii. 48 provides for the proselyte's partaking of the paschal lamb, referring to him as a "ger" that is "circumcised." Isa. xiv. 1 mentions converts as "strangers" who shall "cleave to the house of Jacob" (but comp. next verse). Deut. xxiii. 8 (Hebr.) speaks of "one who enters into the assembly of Jacob," and (Deutero-) Isa. lvi. 3-6 enlarges on the attitude of those that joined themselves to Yhwh, "to minister to Him and love His name, to be His servant, keeping the Sabbath from profaning it, and laying hold on His covenant." "Nokri" (ξένος ="stranger") is another equivalent for "proselyte," meaning one who, like Ruth, seeks refuge under the wings of Yhwh (Hashem <ref>Ruth ii. 11-12; comp. Isa. ii. 2-4, xliv. 5; Jer. iii. 17, iv. 2, xii. 16; Zeph. iii. 9; I Kings viii. 41-43; Ruth i. 16)</ref>. Probably in almost all these passages "converts" are assumed to be residents of Palestine. They are thus "gerim," but circumcised. In the Priestly Code "ger" would seem to have this meaning throughout. In Esther viii. 17 alone the expression "mityahadim" (= "became Jews") occurs.
According to Philo, a proselyte is one who abandons polytheism and adopts the worship of the One God (<ref>"De Pœnitentia," § 2; "De Caritate," § 12)</ref>. Josephus describes the convert as one who adopts the Jewish customs, following the laws of the Jews and worshiping God as they do—one who has become a Jew (<ref>"Ant." xx. 2, §§ 1, 4; comp. xviii. 3, § 5; for another description see the Apocalypse of Baruch, xli. 3, 4; xlii. 5)</ref>. By many scholars the opinion is held that the phrase "yir'e Adonai" denotes either proselytes in general or a certain class ("[[ger toshabtoshav]]"; see below). This interpretation is that of the Midrash (<ref>Lev. R. iii.; Shoḥer Ṭob to Ps. xxii. 22)</ref>. While this construction is borne out by some passages (<ref>Ps. cxv. 11-13, cxviii. 4, cxxxv. 20)</ref>, in others the reference is clearly to native Israelites (<ref>Ps. xv. 4, xxii. 23-25, xxv. 12-14, et al.)</ref>. For the value of the term in the New Testament (in the Acts) see Bertholet, <ref>"Die Stellung der Israeliten und der Juden zu den Fremden" (pp. 328-334)</ref>, and O. Holtzmann, .<ref>"Neutestamentliche Zeitgesch." (p. 185). </ref> According to Schürer (<ref>"Die Juden im Bosporanischen Reiche," in "Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie," 1897)</ref>, the phrase "those who fear the Most High God" designates associations of Greeks in the first post-Christian centuries, who had taken their name and their monotheistic faith from the Jews, but still retained many of the elements of Greek life and religion (.<ref>see Jacob Bernays, "Die Gottesfürchtigen bei Juvenal," in his "Gesammelte Schriften," ii. 71-80).</ref>
==Historic Conditions==
The attitude of ancient Israel to proselytes and proselytism is indicated in the history of the term "ger" as sketched above, which, again, reflects the progressive changes incidental to the development of Israel from a nation into a religious congregation under the priestly law. (For the position of strangers see [[Gentile]].) Ezra's policy, founded on the belief that the new common wealth should be of the holy seed, naturally led to the exclusion of those of foreign origin. Still, the non-Israelite could gain admittance through circumcision (.<ref>see Ex. xii.)</ref>.
Pre-exilic Israel had but little reason to seek proselytes or concern itself with their status and reception. The "strangers" in its midst were not many (<ref>II Chron. ii. 16 is certainly unhistorical)not widthstanding</reF>. As "clients," they were under the protection of the community. Such laws as refer to them in pre-exilic legislation, especially if compared with the legislativeprovisions of other nations, may justly be said to be humane (. <ref>see Deuteronomy; [[Gentile). ]]</ref> That the aboriginal population was looked upon with suspicion was due to their constituting a constant peril to the monotheistic religion. Hence the cruel provisions for their extermination, which, however, were not carried into effect.
During the Exile Israel came in contact with non-Israelites in a new and more intimate degree, and Deutero-Isaiah reflects the consequent change in Israel's attitude (see passages quoted above). Even after the restoration Ezra's position was not without its opponents. The books of Jonah and Ruth testify to the views held by the anti-Ezra pleaders for a non-racial and all-embracing Israel. Not only did Greek Judaism tolerate the reception of proselytes, but it even seems to have been active in its desire for the spread of Jewish monotheism (.<ref>comp. Schürer, l.c.). </ref> Philo's references to proselytes make this sure (.<ref>comp. Renan, "Le Judaïsme en Fait de Religion et de Race").</ref>
According to Josephus there prevailed in his day among the inhabitants of both Greek and barbarian cities (<ref>"Contra Ap." ii., § 39) </ref> a great zeal for the Jewish religion. This statement refers to Emperor Domitian's last years, two decades after Jerusalem's fall. It shows that throughout the Roman empire Judaism had made inroads upon the pagan religions. Latin writers furnish evidence corroborating this. It is true that Tacitus (<ref>"Hist." iv. 5) </ref> is anxious to convey the impression that only the most despicable elements of the population were found among these converts to Judaism; but this is amply refuted by other Roman historians, as .<ref>Dio Cassius (67, 14, 68), Cicero ("Pro Flacco," § 28), Horace ("Satires," i. 9, 69; iv. 142), and Juvenal (xiv. 96).</ref>
==Roman Proselytes==
Among converts of note are mentioned the royal family of Adiabene—Queen Helena and her sons Izates and Monobazus (<ref>"Ant." xx., ch. 2-4)</ref>, Flavius Clemens (<ref>Dio Cassius, l.c.)</ref>, Fulvia, the wife of Saturninus, a senator (.<ref>Philo, "Contra Flaccum," ed. Mangey, ii., § 517; "Ant." xiii. 9, § 1; 11, § 3). </ref> Women seem to have predominated among them (.<ref>Josephus, "B. J." ii. 20, § 2; "Ant." xviii. 3, § 5; Suk. 23; Yer. Suk. ii. 4; 'Ab. Zarah 10; comp. Grätz, "Die Jüdischen Proselyten im Römerreiche," Breslau, 1884; Huidekoper, "Judaism in Rome").</ref>
In Palestine, too, proselytes must have been both numerically and socially of importance. Otherwise the Tannaim would have had no justification for discussing their status and the conditions of their reception. Common prejudice imputes to Phariseeism an aversion to proselytes, but perhaps this idea calls for modification. That aversion, if it existed, may have been due to the part taken in Jewish history by Herod, a descendant of the Idumeans whom John Hyrcanus had compelled to embrace Judaism—a fate shared later by the Itureans (.<ref>"Ant." xiii. 9, § 1; xv. 7, § 9; comp. xiii. 9, § 3). </ref> The "proselyte anecdotes" in which Hillel and Shammai have a central part (<ref>Shab. 31a) </ref> certainly suggest that the antipathy to proselytes was not shared by all, while R. Simeon's dictum that the hand of welcome should be extended to the proselyte (<ref>Lev. R. ii. 8)</ref>, that he might be brought under the wings of the Shekinah, indicates a disposition quite the reverse. <ref>In this connection the censure of the Pharisees in Matt. xxv. 15 is significant. Grätz (l.c. p. 30), it is true, argues that the verse refers to an actual incident, the voyage of R. Gamaliel, R. Eliezer b. Azariah, R. Joshua, and R. Akiba to Rome, where they converted Flavius Clemens, a nephew of Emperor Domitian. But the more acceptable interpretation is that given by Jellinek ("B. H." v., p. xlvi.), according to which the passionate outburst recorded in the Gospel of Matthew condemns the Pharisaic practise of winning over every year at least one proselyte each (comp. Gen. R. xxviii.). </ref> There is good ground also for the contention of Grätz (l.c. p. 33) that immediately after the destruction of the Second Temple Judaism made many conquests, especially among Romans of the upper classes. Among the proselytes of this time a certain Judah, an Ammonite, is mentioned. Contrary to the Biblical law prohibiting marriage between Jews and Ammonites, he is allowed to marry a Jewess, the decision being brought about largely by Joshua's influence (.<ref>Yad. iv. 4; Tosef., Yad. ii. 7; comp. Ber. 28a).</ref>
Other cases in which Biblical marriage-prohibitions were set aside were those of Menyamin, an Egyptian (<ref>on the authority of R. Akiba; Tosef., Ḳid. v. 5; Yer. Yeb. 9b; Sifre, Ki Tissa, 253; Yeb. 76b, 78a; Soṭah 9a), Onḳelos, or Akylas (Aquila), from Pontus (Tosef., Dem. vi. 13; Yer. Dem. 26d), Veturia Paulla, called Sarah after her conversion (see Schürer, "Die Gemeindeverfassung der Juden in Rom," p. 35, No. 11, Leipsic, 1879)</ref>.
At this epoch, too, the necessity for determining the status of the "half-converts" grew imperative. By "half-converts" is meant a class of men and women of non-Jewish birth who, forsaking their ancestral pagan and polytheistic religions, embraced monotheism and adopted the fundamental principles of Jewish morality, without, however, submitting to circumcision or observing other ceremonial laws. They have been identified with the "yir'e Adonai" (the ρηβόμενοι τὸυ Θεόυ). Their number was very large during the centuries immediately preceding and following the fall of Jerusalem; Ps. xv. has been interpreted as referring to them.
==Semi-Converts==
In order to find a precedent the Rabbis went so far as to assume that proselytes of this order were recognized in Biblical law, applying to them the term "toshab[[Ger Toshav|toshav]]" ("sojourner," "aborigine," referring to the Canaanites; see Maimonides' explanation in "Yad," Issure Biah, xiv. 7; see Grätz, l.c. p. 15), in connection with "ger" (<ref>see Ex. xxv. 47, where the better reading would be "we-toshab")</ref>. Another name for one of this class was "proselyte of the gate" (.<ref>"ger ha-sha'ar," that is, one under Jewish civil jurisdiction; comp. Deut. v. 14, xiv. 21, referring to the stranger who had legal claims upon the generosity and protection of his Jewish neighbors). </ref> In order to be recognized as one of these the neophyte had publicly to assume, before three "ḥaberim," or men of authority, the solemn obligation not to worship idols, an obligation which involved the recognition of the seven Noachian injunctions as binding (.<ref>'Ab. Zarah 64b; "Yad," Issure Biah, xiv. 7).</ref> The application to half-converts of all the laws obligatory upon the sons of Jacob, including those that refer to the taking of interest, or to retaining their hire overnight, or to drinking wine made by non-Jews, seems to have led to discussion and dissension among the rabbinical authorities.
The more rigorous seem to have been inclined to insist upon such converts observing the entire Law, with the exception of the reservations and modifications explicitly made in their behalf. The more lenient were ready to accord them full equality with Jews as soon as they had solemnly forsworn idolatry. The "via media" was taken by those that regarded public adherence to the seven Noachian precepts as the indispensable prerequisite (.<ref>Gerim iii.; 'Ab. Zarah 64b; Yer. Yeb. 8d; Grätz, l.c. pp. 19-20). </ref> The outward sign of this adherence to Judaism was the observance of the Sabbath (.<ref>Grätz, l.c. pp. 20 et seq.; but comp. Ker. 8b).</ref>
==Influence of Christianity==
The recognition of these quasi-proselytes rendered it obligatory upon the Jews to treat them as brothers (.<ref>see 'Ab. Zarah 65a; Pes. 21a). </ref> But by the third century the steady growth of Christianity had caused these qualified conversions to Judaism to be regarded with increasing disfavor. According to Simeon b. Eleazar, this form of adoption into Judaism was valid only when the institution of the jubilee also was observed, that is, according to the common understanding of his dictum, during the national existence of Israel (.<ref>'Ar. 29a). </ref> A similar observation of Maimonides (<ref>"Yad," Issure Biah, xiv. 7-8; ib. 'Akkum, x. 6) </ref> is construed in the same sense. It seems more probable that Maimonides and Simeon ben Eleazar wished to convey the idea that, for their day, the institution of the ger toshab was without practical warrant in the Torah. R. Johanan declares that if after a probation of twelve months the ger toshab did not submit to the rite of circumcision, he was to be regarded as a heathen (<ref>'Ab. Zarah 65a</ref>; the same period of probation is fixed by Ḥanina bar Ḥama in Yer. Yeb. 8d).
In contradistinction to the [[ger toshabtoshav]], the full proselyte was designated as "ger ha-ẓedeḳ," "ger ha-berit" (.<ref>a sincere and righteous proselyte, one who has submitted to circumcision; see Mek., Mishpaṭim, 18; Gerim iii.). </ref> The common, technical term for "making a convert" in rabbinical literature is "ḳabbel" (to accept), or "ḳareb taḥat kanfe ha-Shekinah" (to bring one near, or under the wings of, the Shekinah). This phrase plainly presupposes an active propaganda for winning converts (.<ref>comp. Cant. R. v. 16, where God is referred to as making propagandic efforts). </ref> In fact, that proselytes are welcome in Israel and are beloved of God is the theme of many a rabbinical homily (.<ref>Ruth R. iii.; Tan., Wayiḳra [ed. Buber, 3]; see also Mek., Mishpaṭim, 18; Tosef., Demai, ii. 10; Bek. 32a).</ref>
==Views Concerning Proselytes==
Eleazar b. Pedat sees in Israel's dispersion the divine purpose of winning proselytes (.<ref>Pes. 87b). </ref> Jethro is the classical witness to the argument of other proselytes that the "door was not shut in the face of the heathen" (.<ref>Pesiḳ. R. 35). </ref> He is introduced as writing a letter to Moses (Mek., Yitro, 'Amaleḳ, 1) advising him to make the entry into Judaism easy for proselytes. Ruth and Rahab are quoted as illustrating the same lesson (Shoḥer Ṭob to Ps. v. 11). Emperor Antoninus also is mentioned as a proselyte (Yer. Meg. 72b, 74a) whose conversion illustrates the desirability of making converts. The circumstance that Nero (Giṭ. 56a), and, in fact, most of the Biblical persecutors of Israel, are represented as having finally embraced Judaism (Sanh. 96b), the further fact that almost every great Biblical hero is regarded as an active propagandist, and that great teachers like Shemaiah and Abtalion, Akiba and Meïr, were proselytes, or were regarded as proselytes or as descendants of proselytes (see Bacher, "Ag. Tan." i. 5-6), go far to suggest that proselytes were not always looked upon with suspicion. According to Joshua ben Hananiah, "food" and "raiment" in Deut. x. 18 refer to the learning and the cloak of honor which are in store for the proselyte (Gen. R. lxx.). Job xxxi. 32 was explained as inculcating the practise of holding off applicants with the left hand while drawing them near with the right (Yer. Sanh. 29b). Modern researches have shown positively that Judaism sent forth apostles. Jethro was a type of these propagandists (see Bacher, "Ag. Tan." i. 210; Harnack, "Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums," pp. 237-240, Leipsic, 1902; Grätz, "Gesch." 3d ed., vol. iv., note 21; S. Krauss, "Die Jüdischen Apostel," in "J. Q. R." xvii. 370).
Sincerity of motive in the proselyte wits insisted upon. Care was taken to exclude those who were prompted to embrace Judaism by the desire to contract an advantageous marriage, by the hope of wealth or honor, by fear or superstitious dreams (R. Nehemiah, in Yeb. 24b; comp. 76a). The midrashic amplification of the conversation between Naomi and Ruth (Ruth R. i. 16; Yeb. 47b) reveals the kind of conduct the Rabbis dreaded in proselytes and what admonitions, with the penalties for disregarding them, they thought wise to impress upon the candidates. Attendance at theaters and circuses, living in houses without mezuzot, and unchastity were among the former. The same spirit of caution is apparent in a midrashic illustration to the story of Adam and Eve, in which the proselyte wife is warned by her husband against eating bread with unclean hands, partaking of untithed fruit, or violating the Sabbath or her marriage vow (Ab. R. N. i.). From Ruth's experience the rule was derived that proselytes must be refused reception three times, but not oftener (Ruth R. ii.).
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